Tagarchief: Gaza

CIDI ONTKENT ISRAELISCHE APARTHEID/ASTRID ESSED GEEFT CIDI VIRTUEEL PAK SLAAG

Image result for Destruction of Gaza/Images

MISDADEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTINGVERWOESTING VAN GAZA

BEZETTINGSTERREUR
foto Oda Hulsen Hebron 2 mei 2017/Verwijst naar foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die tegen de muur wordt gezet doorIsraelische soldaten, die hem toeriepen ”Where is your knife!”/Later vrijgelaten

NB Het is dus NIET de foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die bij de kraag wordt gegrepen

Foto van Oda Hulsen valt soms weg

Since late 2015, 249 Palestinians have been killed in Israel and the Palestinian territories [File: EPA]http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/palestinian-teen-killed-israeli-army-clashes-170116155810513.html

Image result for settlements/Images

BITTEREBIJPRODUCTEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTING:

ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN IN DE BEZETTE PALESTIJNSEGEBIEDENILLEGAAL VOLGENS HET INTERNATIONAAL RECHT

An aerial shot of a housing community

The Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim in the occupied West Bank, with the Palestinian neighborhoods of occupied East Jerusalem in the background. © 2020 Reuters
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed

CIDI ONTKENT ISRAELISCHE APARTHEID/ASTRID ESSED GEEFT CIDI VIRTUEEL PAK SLAAG

AANREDACTIE HET PAROOLOnderwerp: Cidi artikel ”Tendentieuze apartheidskritiek brengt Palestijnennergens”

Geachte Redactie,De walrus sprak:De tijd is daar
Om over allerlei te praten”Een schoen, een schip, een kandelaar,Of koningen ook liegenEn of de zee soms koken kanEn een biggetje kan vliegen.
Uit het Engels vertaald uit: THE WALRUS AND THE CARPENTERLEWIS CARROLL: ALICE IN WONDERLAND
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Walrus_and_the_Carpenter
[Vooraf:Zoals de Parool redactie kan zien, is mijn onderstaande commentaar cc aan het Cidi gemaild]

Geachte Redactie,
Zoals de Walrus in het onvergetelijke ”Alice in Wonderland”[1]  sprak,zeg ik:”Het is tijd.”
Meer dan tijd:Te ontmaskeren de wijze waarop het Cidi  tracht de misdadigheid van de Israelische bezettingsmacht tegenover het Palestijnse volk toe te dekken.Te ontmaskeren de manier waarop Cidi tracht de aandacht af te leiden van waarom het hier gaat:De Israelische apartheidspolitiek.En vooral te ontmaskeren datgene waarin het Cidi kampioen is:Niet ingaan op de inhoudelijke Israel kritiek.
De aanleiding van mijn schrijven?Het Cidi artikel in uw krant dd 7 mei 2021 van Cidi’s voorzittermevrouw H Luden, getiteld:”Tendentieuze apartheidskritiek brengt Palestijnen nergens” [2]Dit Cidi artikel is een kritiek op een op 20 april anno Domini doormevrouw D. Ball, voorzitter van DOCP geschreven artikel ”Nederland ismedeplichtig aan Israelische apartheid jegens Palestijnen. [3]
En begrijp mij niet verkeerd redactie:Iedereen mag kritiek hebben op dat artikel van mevrouw Ball,ook het Cidi:Maar het moet dan wel eerlijk, ter zake doend en goed beargumenteerd zijn.Dat is het Cidi stuk NIET!Het is tendentieus, onder de gordel, verdedigt Israel’s misdadenimpliciet en gaat niet serieus op argumentatie in.

AANDACHT AFLEIDEN:
In de inleiding tot het artikel schrijft Het Parool”Israël vergelijken met het apartheidsregime dat Zuid-Afrika ooit had, is misplaatst, stelt Hanna Luden, directeur van het Centrum Informatie en Documentatie Israël.”
Welnu, dat mag mevrouw Luden misplaatst vinden, maar waar zijn haar argumenten?

Wat Luden onder ”argumenten” tegen apartheidskarakter verstaat, zijn onder andere [ik citeer haar]t:”Een man schiet en verdwijnt in de menigte. Drie mensen raken gewond. De politie zoekt de dader, die een geladen wapen draagt. Drones worden ingezet voor de zoektocht.

Dit gebeurde begin deze week op de Westelijke Jordaanoever. De dader is vermoedelijk Palestijns, de slachtoffers zijn Joods. Gaat het hier om ‘onderdrukking’? [4]

De reactie van de Israelische politie op zich  heeft niets met apartheid te maken, dat weet het Cidi heel goed en is dan ook ridicuul te noemen als ontkrachting van Israel als apartheidsstaat.

Evenals de nonsens, dat er geen apartheid zou zijn, omdat Israelische mensenrechtenorganisaties die in Israel kunnen benoemen. [5]

Twee [bovenstaande] citaten met als doel:

De aandacht af te leiden van de 

echte apartheid waaraan Israel zich schuldig maakt.

Verder schrijft Luden:

”De Arabische Israëli’s schromen niet in het openbaar de staat te bekritiseren of zelfs hun afwijzing van het Joodse karakter van Is­raël te uiten. Hoezo apartheid?” [6]

Denkt Cidi zo slim te zijn?

Lukt niet

Want dat heeft Human Rights Watch ook niet beweerd!

Ik citeer HRW [Human Rights Watch] in haar

”Q & A: A Treshold Crossed”

”There is no question that, within the Green Line, Palestinians have more rights. These rights are a major difference between the plight of Palestinians in Israel and the OPT.” [7]

Hier dus geen beschuldiging van apartheid,

wat Israel zelf aangaat.

Wel benoemt Human Rights de aangetoonde

discriminatie van ”Israelische Arabieren” in

Israel zelf:

Ik citeer:

”Even in Israel, Palestinians face systematic discrimination, including on where they can live and in the quality of the schools they attend” [8]

Binnen Israel zelf [zonder de Bezette Gebieden dus] is er wel dus degelijk sprake van discriminatie, maar apartheid wordt niet genoemd.

Ik citeer HRW opnieuw voor het hardleerse Cidi:

”We found the three elements of the crime of apartheid all come together in the OPT, pursuant to a single Israeli government policy. That policy is to maintain the domination of Jewish Israelis over Palestinians from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. In the OPT, that intent has been coupled with systematic oppression and inhumane acts committed against Palestinians living there.” [9]

Apartheid in de Bezette Palestijnse Gebieden dus.

Niets over ”Israelische Arabieren” [idiote term, het zou juist ”Arabische Israeli’s moeten zijn, gezien het feit, dat ”historisch Palestina” er eerder was dan Israel [10]

Een nul dus voor Astrid Essed versus het Cidi [HAHAHA]

BAGATELLISERING BEZETTING EN ONDERDRUKKING:

Waarom schrijft Luden trouwens ”Westelijke Jordaanoever” en niet wat het in werkelijkheid is?

BEZETTE Westelijke Jordaanoever?

Maar dan zou ze moeten refereren aan de systematische onderdrukking en mensenrechtenschendingen, waaraan het

Palestijnse volk in de Bezette Gebieden al vanaf 1967 blootstaat [11]

Niets over de illegaliteit van de in de Bezette Gebieden

gebouwde nederzettingen, niets over de settlerterreur [12]

Niets over de systematische folteringen [13]

Dit alles wordt afgedaan met het zinnetje van mevrouw Luden

”De situatie van de Palestijnen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever is lastig en wordt vaak simplistisch weergegeven…” [14]

DAT bedoel ik nu met de toedekking van de misdadigheid

van de Israelische bezettingsmacht door het Cidi!

Trouwens, Israel is weer lekker bezig he?

Bij de ”confrontaties” [lees: Israelische politie, die

het vuur opent op ongewapenden] tussen de Israelische politie en gelovigen [je kunt in bezet Oost-Jeruzalem tijdens je Heilige Maand Ramadan niet eens rustig bidden] zijn er 205 gewonden gevallen!

Aanleiding:

De zoveelste etnische zuivering van Palestijnse families,

die plaats moeten maken voor kolonisten-dieven [huis en

landroof is immers diefstal!] [15]

Maar laten we niet afdwalen, want we hebben het hier over die Israelische apartheid, die volgens het Cidi niet bestaat:

Want mevrouw Luden schrijft hierover o.a.

”Met grote woorden emotie opwekken is een beproefde techniek. Zo wordt Israël herhaaldelijk beschuldigd van apartheid, nu door HRW. De macht kritisch volgen is van groot belang, zeker in situaties van oorlog en bezetting. Ook Israël moet worden onderworpen aan pittige inhoudelijke kritiek. Maar door het geheel te ‘verpakken’ onder de term ‘apartheid’ is HRW uit op sensatie, niet op oplossingen.”

Het leuke aan het Cidi [hier voorzitter mevrouw Luden] is, dat de grote woorden, die zij zelf gebruikt, de sensatie waar zij zelf op uit is, op anderen worden geprojecteerd, in casu [Latijn: in dit geval] Human Rights Watch.

Want duidelijk is, dat het bij Cidi bij ”grote woorden” blijft:

Want natuurlijk mag mevrouw Luden dat beweren, maar waar is haar inhoudelijke onderbouwing, waaruit blijkt, dat Human Rights Watch ”’grote woorden” gebruikt en ”op sensatie” uit is?

Nergens uit haar stuk blijkt dat.

Mevrouw Luden schijnt zich niet te realiseren, dat Human Rights Watch niet uit een stel kleuters bestaat, die net leren praten en hun omgeving verkennen en de portee [draagwijdte] van hun woorden en daden nog niet begrijpen.

Human Rights Watch is een gerennommeerde mensenrechtenorganisatie, die een 217 tellend gedegen rapport over de Israelische apartheidspolitiek geschreven heeft [16], compleet met definities, internationale verdragen en wat dies meer zij.

Mevrouw Luden mag daar best kritiek op hebben, maar dan 

onderbouwd.

En dat wordt hier [Cidi like] niet gedaan!

APARTHEID/MILITAIRE RECHTBANK IN DE BEZETTE GEBIEDEN

Een van de beruchtste voorbeelden van de Israelische

apartheid in de Bezette Gebieden is het feit, dat er twee soorten rechtssystemen zijn:

Voor de Palestijnen in de Bezette Gebieden de Militaire Rechtbank, Joodse Israeli’s, inclusief de kolonisten in

bezet gebied, vallen onder de burgerlijke rechtbank. 

Uitgebreid gedocumenteerd

Lees maar [17]

Nu is het sowieso absurd, burgers voor een militaire rechtbank te brengen, maar dit verschil tussen bevolkingsgroepen is discriminerend en ronduit apartheid.

Want natuurlijk hebben Palestijnse burgers voor de Militaire Rechtbank minder rechten dan Joden bij de burgerlijke rechtbank.

Zie de oprechte Israelische mensenrechtenorganisatie

Btselem en anderen [18]

Ik kan meer voorbeelden van de Israelische apartheid noemen.

Ik laat het hierbij.

Wel verwijs ik naar het artikel van mevrouw Ballout, dat daar uitgebreider op in gaat. [19]

TENSLOTTE

Zo gaat het Cidi dus te werk:

Het aanhalen van voorbeelden, die kant noch wal raken,

omdat ze [zoals Cidi heel goed weet] niets met apartheid te maken hebben.

Niet inhoudelijk ingaan op de uitgebreid gedocumenteerde kritiek van Human Rights Watch, niet inhoudelijk ingaan op

het artikel van mevrouw Ballout, maar ondertussen wel met

modder gooien:

Human Rights zou ”grote woorden” gebruiken, terwijl ze

het begrip ”apartheid” helder definieert in haar rapport, zij

zou op ”sensatie” uit zijn, allemaal zaken, die aan het Cidi kunnen worden toegeschreven.

In een woord:

Kwaadaardige politieke projectie

Een zin van mevrouw Luden wekte bij mij vooral de

lachlust op:

Ik citeer haar

”Maar door het geheel te ‘verpakken’ onder de term ‘apartheid’ is HRW uit op sensatie, niet op oplossingen.” [20]

HAHAHA!

Redactie, het is niet Human Rights Watch, die voor oplossingen moet zorgen, maar bezettings en roofstaat

Israel, die zowat alles gedaan heeft, dat internationaalrechtelijk fout is.

Ik roep het Cidi dan ook op, als Fans van bezettingsstaat

Israel, Israel eraan te herinneren, dat het tijd wordt het

Internationaal Recht na te leven:

Opheffing bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden

Ontmanteling van alle in bezet gebied gestichte nederzettingen, die allemaal in strijd zijn met het Internationaal Recht.

Het afbreken van de Muur, volgens de Advisory Opinion

van het Internationaal Gerechtshof [21]

Erkenning van het Recht op Terugkeer van de Palestijnse

vluchtelingen, ooit verdreven door Israel in  de oorlog van 1948 [22]

Zolang aan deze eisen niet is voldaan, is geen oplossing

van vreedzaam samenleven mogelijk.

En zullen de Palestijnen zich al dan niet gewapend [hun recht volgens het Internationaal Recht] [23] blijven

verzetten tegen Israel’s onderdrukking en bezettingsterreur.

Tot zover mijn commentaar op het door mij gewraakte

Cidi artikel.

AAN DE PAROOL REDACTIE

Nog even dit:

Het Parool heeft een artikel van mevrouw Ballout gepubliceerd en natuurlijk heeft de pro Israel Partij, het

Cidi, het recht om te reageren, zoals ze ook hebben gedaan.’

Toch wil ik de Parool redactie oproepen, in de toekomst geen Cidi stukken te plaatsen, die kant noch wal raken, omdat zij niet inhoudelijk ingaan op wat zij willen

bekritiseren.

Dan wordt het moddergooierij en onsportieve kritiek.

Dat zal het niveau van journalistiek alleen maar ten goede komen.

Vriendelijke groeten

Astrid Essed

Amsterdam 

NOTEN

ZIE IN VERBAND MET DE LENGTE VAN DE NOTEN

NOTEN 1 T/M 23

OF

https://www.dewereldmorgen.be/community/noten-1-t-m-23-bij-brief-aan-het-parool-over-artikel-cidi/

ZIE OOK

UITGESCHREVEN NOTEN, DEZELFDE ALS IN 

DE LINKS HIERBOVEN [1]

WIKIPEDIAALICE’S ADVENTURES IN WONDERLAND
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alice%27s_Adventures_in_Wonderland

[2]
HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/

Israël vergelijken met het apartheidsregime dat Zuid-Afrika ooit had, is misplaatst, stelt Hanna Luden, directeur van het Centrum Informatie en Documentatie Israël.

Een man schiet en verdwijnt in de menigte. Drie mensen raken gewond. De politie zoekt de dader, die een geladen wapen draagt. Drones worden ingezet voor de zoektocht.

Dit gebeurde begin deze week op de Westelijke Jordaanoever. De dader is vermoedelijk Palestijns, de slachtoffers zijn Joods. Gaat het hier om ‘onderdrukking’? Volgens Human Rights Watch (HRW) wel. Ook wordt Israël verweten wapens te verkopen ‘die uitgetest zijn op Palestijnen’, zo stond in het opiniestuk van Dorien Ballout van afgelopen zaterdag. Het gaat hier om wapens zoals de Iron Dome (IJzeren Koepel) – het miljoenenwapen dat door Israël is ontworpen om raketten vanuit de Gazastrip te onderscheppen voordat ze schade kunnen aanrichten. Nog afgelopen week was Israël doelwit van een rakettenregen.

Het zijn slechts twee voorbeelden van de Isra­elische wapenindustrie die overheden in staat stellen de veiligheid te garanderen met minder machtsvertoon van politie en militairen.

Met grote woorden emotie opwekken is een beproefde techniek. Zo wordt Israël herhaaldelijk beschuldigd van apartheid, nu door HRW. De macht kritisch volgen is van groot belang, zeker in situaties van oorlog en bezetting. Ook Israël moet worden onderworpen aan pittige inhoudelijke kritiek. Maar door het geheel te ‘verpakken’ onder de term ‘apartheid’ is HRW uit op sensatie, niet op oplossingen.

Godsdienstvrijheid

Ironisch genoeg baseert HRW haar rapport op materiaal van mensenrechtenorganisaties in Israël zelf die terecht problemen aankaarten, maar die in een apartheidsstaat – zoals in Zuid-Afrika het geval was – niet hadden kunnen bestaan. Hetzelfde geldt voor de godsdienstvrijheid voor de vele religieuze richtingen in een land dat is opgericht door en voor het Joodse volk, een eiland in een regio die onder intolerantie en onderdrukking gebukt gaat.

Neem bijvoorbeeld de bewering dat de Israëlische Arabieren onder apartheid leven. Na de twee bloedige jaren van oorlog in 1947-1948, die tot de stichting van de Joodse staat hebben geleid, werden ze onder militair bewind gesteld, een logische maatregel na die oorlog. Inmiddels zijn zij zelfbewuste Israëlische burgers met alle burgerrechten, en met een stevige vertegenwoordiging in het Israëlische parlement – de Knesset.

De Arabische Israëli’s schromen niet in het openbaar de staat te bekritiseren of zelfs hun afwijzing van het Joodse karakter van Is­raël te uiten. Hoezo apartheid? Saillant detail: de islamitische partij Ra’am is nu kingmaker in de coalitieonderhandelingen in Israël.

De situatie van de Palestijnen op de Westelijke Jordaanoever is lastig en wordt vaak simplistisch weergegeven. Sinds de Osloakkoorden draagt de Palestijnse Autoriteit alle verantwoordelijkheid voor het besturen van de Palestijnen. Zij bepalen wie er in hun gebieden mag komen en er mag wonen.

Bloedig intern confict

Israëlische Joden mogen bijvoorbeeld niet in gebieden van de Palestijnse Autoriteit komen en Palestijnen die vastgoed aan Israëli’s verkopen riskeren zelfs de doodstraf. In Gaza is de situatie na een bloedig intern conflict nóg moeilijker. Terreurgroep Hamas is daar de baas en voert oorlog met Israël, dat net als Egypte de grenzen met Gaza streng bewaakt.

De meeste Palestijnen steunen de gratuite oproepen tot boycot niet. Zij willen voor hun gezinnen zorgen en een vredig leven leiden. Net als wij verwachten zij dat hun leiders hiervoor zorgen. Helaas zien ook zij dat hun leiders niet worden gedreven door de economische ontwikkelingen en hun welzijn, maar door machtshonger en geldzucht.

De problemen rond het conflict tussen Israël en de Palestijnen zijn een serieuze kwestie en mogen niet worden gereduceerd tot oneliners. De belangen van de inwoners worden alleen gediend door serieuze onderhandelingen, uitgaande van bereidheid aan beide zijden tot pijnlijke compromissen te komen. Israël als enige boosdoener aanwijzen, zal de Palestijnen het minst helpen.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[3]HET PAROOLOPINIE: NEDERLAND IS MEDEPLICHTIG AAN APARTHEID JEGENS PALESTIJNEN20 APRIL 2021
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-nederland-is-medeplichtig-aan-israelische-apartheid-jegens-palestijnen~b306f2fe/

Israël maakt zich schuldig aan apartheid, zegt Human Rights Watch. Dorien Ballout schrijft dat het tijd wordt dat Nederland Israël gaat boycotten zoals bij Zuid-Afrika is gebeurd.

Palestijnen proberen het ons al decennialang duidelijk te maken. Juridische experts en mensenrechtenorganisaties zijn het er ook al geruime tijd over eens. En nu noemt ook het toonaangevende Human Rights Watch het beestje bij de naam: Israël maakt zich jegens Palestijnen schuldig aan apartheid.

En niet alleen in de bezette gebieden, maar in het gehele gebied van de Jordaan tot aan de Middellandse Zee, inclusief Gaza. Daarmee begaat Israël volgens het internationaal recht misdaden tegen de menselijkheid.

Made in Israel

In 1948 voerde de regering van Zuid-Afrika officieel de Apartheid in – na een geschiedenis van eeuwen kolonisatie, slavenhandel en slavernij met een hoofdrol voor Nederland, waar het woord apartheid vandaan komt. De Zuid-Afrikaanse apartheid kenmerkte zich onder meer door vestigingskolonialisme en de gedwongen verplaatsing van de oorspronkelijke bevolking, de opdeling van gekoloniseerden in verschillende groepen met verschillende rechten, ernstige bewegingsbeperkingen en gewelddadige onderdrukking.

Dit zijn allemaal kenmerken die ook opgaan voor het hedendaagse Israëlische regime en hun omgang met het Palestijnse volk, zowel in Israël zelf als in de bezette gebieden.

In 1962 stelde de Verenigde Naties de internationale boycot van Zuid-Afrika in. Na een diplomatieke en economische boycot, volgde ook een wapenembargo. Een aantal landen stelde ook een culturele en academische boycot in.

Israël speelde een rol bij het ontduiken van de boycot. Zuid-Afrikaanse producten werden naar Israël verscheept, daar minimaal bewerkt en vervolgens met een ‘made in Israel’-label verkocht aan Europa en de VS. Beide landen werkten nauw samen op het gebied van veiligheid, nucleaire zaken, geheime diensten en de handel in wapens en wapensystemen.

In 1994 schafte Zuid-Afrika onder druk van de boycot en het daarmee gepaard gaande isolement apartheid af, waarna de internationale sancties werden opgeheven.

Afkeurende woorden

In 1948 werd de staat Israël gesticht en werden de Palestijnen die niet waren vermoord of verdreven (minder dan 20 procent) onder militair bewind gesteld. Dat omvatte strikte controle van beweging en organisatie van de Palestijnen, onderdrukking van alle pogingen tot verzet en discriminatie op alle gebieden van het leven. De resterende 22 procent van Palestina (Westoever en Gazastrook) werd in juni 1967 onderworpen aan de militaire bezetting door Israël.

In schril contrast met de houding jegens apartheid in Zuid-Afrika, heeft de internationale gemeenschap het totaal laten afweten als het gaat om de ontmanteling van apartheid in Israël. De VS steunt Israël door dik en dun en de Europese Unie neemt grotendeels de (financiële) plichten van de bezettende macht op de Westelijke Jordaanoever van Israël over. Daarnaast zijn de banden met Israël op het gebied van handel, militaire samenwerking en de zogenaamde veiligheidsindustrie zeer nauw. Behalve wat afkeurende woorden en vrijblijvende regels omtrent etikettering van nederzettingenproducten, legt de Europese Unie Israël geen strobreed in de weg.

Booking.com

En zo kan het dat vluchtelingen bij de Europese grenzen worden tegengehouden door Israëlische drones, uitgetest op Palestijnen. En dat een bedrijf als Palm Fruits BV doodleuk de Europese regelgeving ontduikt en een Nederlandse streepjescode plakt op dadels uit illegale nederzettingen. En dat een Nederlands bedrijf als Booking.com op de zwarte lijst van de VN komt te staan van bedrijven die bijdragen aan het voortduren van de bezetting. En dat PFZW de pensioenpremies van Nederlands zorgpersoneel belegt in Israëlische banken die geld verdienen aan de bouw van illegale nederzettingen. Of dat het Nederlandse leger Israëlische wapens koopt die zijn uitgetest op Palestijnen.

In de regio Amsterdam mogen bussen rondrijden van het bedrijf Egged/EBS dat openbaar vervoer verzorgt exclusief voor illegale kolonisten, maar verboden voor Palestijnen. En de voormalige burgemeester moest concluderen dat niet gegarandeerd kan worden dat projecten in het kader van de samenwerking met Tel Aviv niet ten gunste komen van Israëls nederzettingenbeleid, ondanks de strikte voorwaarden.

Geconfronteerd met het systeem van verstikkende apartheid, de almaar afnemende beweegruimte, de toenemende onderdrukking, het nimmer aflatende geweld, en het uitblijven van optreden door de internationale gemeenschap daartegen, hebben 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties in 2005 een oproep aan de wereld gedaan tot vreedzaam verzet tegen Israël middels een omvattende campagne van boycot, desinvesteren en sancties.

Human Rights Watch doet nu in zijn rapport ook een aantal aanbevelingen voor gerichte sancties en het afhankelijk stellen van investeringen, handel en samenwerking van concrete stappen door Israël om de misdaden tegen de menselijkheid te beëindigen. Dat is precies waar wij, de BDS-beweging, al jaren voor pleiten. Het wordt tijd dat Nederland en de internationale gemeenschap hun medeplichtigheid beëindigen en de voorgestelde maatregelen gaan toepassen.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[4]
HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/

[5]
HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/

[6]
HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/

[7]
[QUESTION] 6 
HOW CAN YOU ACCUSE ISRAEL OF APARTHEID WHEN ISRAELIVOTE IN NATIONAL ELECTIONS, HAVE PASSPORTS, MOVE FREELY,AND SERVE IN THE KNESSET?
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEIDAND PERSECUTION
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed#How_can_you

ORIGINELE BRON

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEIDAND PERSECUTION
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed

[8]

[QUESTION] 6 
HOW CAN YOU ACCUSE ISRAEL OF APARTHEID WHEN ISRAELIVOTE IN NATIONAL ELECTIONS, HAVE PASSPORTS, MOVE FREELY,AND SERVE IN THE KNESSET?
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEIDAND PERSECUTION
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed#How_can_you

ORIGINELE BRON

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEIDAND PERSECUTION
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed

[9]

”We found the three elements of the crime of apartheid all come together in the OPT, pursuant to a single Israeli government policy. That policy is to maintain the domination of Jewish Israelis over Palestinians from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. In the OPT, that intent has been coupled with systematic oppression and inhumane acts committed against Palestinians living there.”

[QUESTION] 7ARE YOU SAYING THAT THERE IS APARTHEIDWITHIN THE GREEN LINE , THE INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED BORDERS OFTHE STATE OF ISRAEL?OR ONLY IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA?
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEIDAND PERSECUTION

https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed#Are_you_saying

[10]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[11]

https://www.btselem.org/

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[12]

ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN EN KOLONISTENTERREUR

ZIE NOTEN 5 EN 6 UIT ARTIKEL:

OV UTRECHT STEUNT ILLEGALE ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN/

SAMENWERKING MET CAF

ASTRID ESSED

19 APRIL 2021

[13]

BTSELEM.ORG

TORTURE AND ABUSE IN INTERROGATION

https://www.btselem.org/topic/torture[14]

HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/

[15]

NOSGEWONDEN BIJ CONFRONTATIES TUSSEN ISRAELISCHEPOLITIE EN GELOVIGEN BIJ MOSKEE JERUZALEM
https://nos.nl/artikel/2379817-gewonden-bij-confrontaties-tussen-israelische-politie-en-gelovigen-bij-moskee-jeruzalem

In Jeruzalem is het na het laatste vrijdaggebed van de ramadan tot confrontaties gekomen tussen de Israëlische politie en gelovigen. Daarbij zijn volgens de hulporganisatie Rode Halve Maan 205 Palestijnen gewond geraakt, van wie er 108 in het ziekenhuis behandeld zijn. Volgens Israël hebben ook 17 agenten verwondingen opgelopen.

Tienduizenden moslims waren voor het vrijdaggebed naar de Al-Aqsamoskee gekomen, die geldt als een van de heiligste plekken voor moslims. De Tempelberg waarop de moskee ligt is in het jodendom de heiligste plaats.

Na de gebeden begon een demonstratie tegen de uitzetting van Palestijnse families in een wijk in Oost-Jeruzalem. In de avond keerden betogers zich tegen de politie en gooiden onder meer met stenen en flessen.

De meeste Palestijnse gewonden hebben verwondingen aan hun gezicht en ogen door de rubberkogels en de scherven van flitsgranaten. Volgens de Rode Halve Maan verloor iemand een oog, en hebben twee mensen ernstige hoofdwonden.

Van de 17 gewonde Israëlische agenten moest ongeveer de helft naar het ziekenhuis voor behandeling, aldus een woordvoerster. Ze zei dat Israël met harde hand zou reageren op verdere ongeregeldheden en rellen.

Eerder op de dag demonstreerden naar schatting 70.000 Palestijnen bij de Al-Aqsamoskee tegen de huisuitzettingen in Oost-Jeruzalem. Na het avondgebed sloeg de vlam in de pan. Ook op andere plekken in de stad kwam het tot botsingen.

‘Niet met vuur spelen”

De Palestijnse president Mahmoud Abbas zegt Israël verantwoordelijk te houden voor de escalatie en roept de VN-Veiligheidsraad op bijeen te komen over de kwestie. De leider van Hamas, Ismael Haniyeh, waarschuwt de Israëlische premier Benjamin Netanyahu “niet met vuur te spelen”.

Hamas, een organisatie die door het Westen als terreurgroep wordt gezien, mengde zich de afgelopen weken al meermaals in de oplopende spanningen. Volgens de rivaliserende Palestijnse beweging Islamitische Jihad kan Israël elk moment een reactie verwachten op de gebeurtenissen van gisteren.

Nieuwe demonstraties

Vanuit de de rest van de wereld wordt ook gereageerd op de escalatie in Jeruzalem. De Verenigde Staten zeggen ernstig bezorgd te zijn over de verhoogde spanningen en roepen op tot kalmte. Onder meer de Europese Unie en verschillende Arabische landen uitten hun verontrusting over de mogelijke huisuitzettingen in de stad.

Het is al wekenlang onrustig in Jeruzalem en op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever. Gisterochtend meldde Israël nog dat bij een aanval op een Israëlische post twee Palestijnse mannen werden gedood. Volgens de autoriteiten hadden ze het vuur geopend op Israëlische ordetroepen.

Vandaag worden op verschillende plekken nieuwe demonstraties verwacht. Ook zetten Israëliërs en Palestijnen zich schrap voor morgenavond, als de heiligste avond van de ramadan samenvalt met de Israëlische feestdag Jeruzalemdag. Maandag doet de Israëlische rechtbank naar verwachting uitspraak over de huisuitzettingen.

EINDE NOS ARTIKEL
THE RIGHTS FORUMESCALATIE IN OOST JERUZALEM HOUDT GROTE RISICO’S IN
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/escalatie-in-oost-jeruzalem-houdt-grote-risicos-in/

De verdrijving van Palestijnse inwoners, het permanente Israëlisch geweld en andere factoren hebben in Oost-Jeruzalem geleid tot een explosieve situatie, die zich inmiddels tot ver buiten de stad uitstrekt. Decennia van kolonisering hebben een rampzalige situatie opgeleverd.

De afgelopen dagen is in Oost-Jeruzalem de spanning geëscaleerd die zich afgelopen weken heeft opgebouwd tussen de Israëlische autoriteiten, politie, groepen rechtse nationalisten en kolonisten enerzijds, en de lokale Palestijnse bevolking anderzijds. Vrijdag-, zaterdag- en zondagavond, en ook al daarvoor, vonden harde botsingen plaats in de wijk Sheikh Jarrah, bij de Damascuspoort en in andere delen van de Oude Stad.

Op media zoals Middle East Eye, dat eigen verslaggevers ter plaatse heeft, is een aaneenschakeling te zien van video’s waarin zwaar bewapende Israëlische troepen grof geweld gebruiken tegen Palestijnen, die vanwege het einde van de vastenmaand Ramadan juist massaal bijeenkomen. Vrijdag bestormden Israëlische troepen zelfs de voor moslims heilige Al-Aqsa-moskee. Aan Palestijnse zijde werden circa 290 gewonden gemeld, van wie er ruim honderd in ziekenhuizen moesten worden opgenomen. Ook 18 Israëlische politieagenten raakten gewond. Die aantallen liepen zondagavond verder op.

Sheikh Jarrah

De belangrijkste aanleiding tot de onlusten ligt in de wijk Sheikh Jarrah, even ten noorden van de Oude Stad, waar vier Palestijnse families acuut op straat dreigen te worden gezet ten gunste van Israëlische kolonisten. In de wijk wacht in totaal 78 families dit lot. Simultaan vindt hetzelfde proces van huisuitzettingen plaats in andere wijken van Oost-Jeruzalem, waaronder Silwan. In een eerder artikel beschreven wij een aantal concrete voorbeelden, onder meer in Sheikh Jarrah.

De Palestijnse families in Sheikh Jarrah maken deel uit van (nazaten van) de circa 750 duizend Palestijnen die in 1947-48 door Joodse milities op de vlucht werden gejaagd of verdreven uit hun woonplaatsen binnen het huidige Israël. Nadat Israël hen het recht van terugkeer naar hun woonplaatsen en bezittingen ontzegde, werden 28 families in 1956 gehuisvest in het onder Jordaans gezag staande Palestijnse Oost-Jeruzalem, waar de VN-organisatie UNRWA de bouw van woningen faciliteerde op door Jordanië beschikbaar gesteld land. Het is deze, sindsdien toegenomen, gemeenschap die nu in Sheikh Jarrah uit haar huizen dreigt te worden gezet.

Joodse meerderheid

Cruciaal hierin was de bezetting van Oost-Jeruzalem, samen met de Westoever en Gaza, door Israël in 1967. Die vormde het startschot van de Israëlische politiek om in Oost-Jeruzalem een ‘Joodse meerderheid’ tot stand te brengen. Sindsdien wordt het stadsdeel agressief gekoloniseerd. Israël heeft intussen ruim 225 duizend burgers naar Oost-Jeruzalem overgebracht (cijfers 2019).

Daarnaast worden Palestijnse inwoners door Israël op alle denkbare manieren de stad uitgedreven: door het intrekken van vergunningen, landconfiscatie, huisuitzettingen, afbraak van woningen, en de aanleg van parken en archeologische zones op Palestijns land of tussen Palestijnse gemeenschappen, die zich daardoor niet kunnen uitbreiden. Per 2017 was ruim 14 duizend Palestijnen het inwonerschap van Oost-Jeruzalem ontnomen, en waren ruim tweeduizend Palestijnse woningen gesloopt. Het huidige aantal Palestijnse inwoners van Oost-Jeruzalem bedraagt circa 350 duizend.

De huisuitzetttingen in Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan en andere wijken passen in deze praktijk van etnische zuivering, die tot doel heeft het Palestijnse deel van de bevolking van Jeruzalem te vervangen door Joods-Israëlische kolonisten. Daarover wordt niet geheimzinnig gedaan: in een video legt een woordvoerder van de Israëlische kolonisten in Sheikh Jarrah uit hoe dat proces in zijn werk gaat, en erkent hij volmondig dat dit neerkomt op verdrijving van de Palestijnen. Een andere video toont een kolonist die het stelen van een Palestijns huis legitimeert met de opmerking dat anders een ander dat wel zal doen.

Israëlisch ‘recht’

Daartoe wordt gebruik gemaakt van Israëlische wetgeving, die buiten de eigen grenzen wordt toegepast op bezet Palestijns gebied. Zaterdag werd Israël door de Hoge VN-Commissaris voor de Mensenrechten gewezen op de ondeugdelijkheid van die constructie, en gewaarschuwd dat op Oost-Jeruzalem het internationaal recht van toepassing is, waarbinnen de Israëlische kolonisering als mogelijke oorlogsmisdaad geldt, en acties als huisuitzettingen strikt verboden zijn. Als bezettingsmacht is Israël verantwoordelijk voor het welzijn van de lokale bevolking.

De door Israël gebruikte wetgeving is een amendement op de zogenoemde Absentee Property Law, waarmee Israël in 1950 al het land en de bezittingen confisqueerde van de ‘absente’ Palestijnse eigenaren – de 750 duizend verdreven en gevluchte Palestijnen die tegelijkertijd het recht van terugkeer werd onthouden. Dit nadat de bezittingen van 600 duizend Palestijnen al in 1948 in een nationale plundertocht door Joden geroofd waren, zoals verleden jaar na Israëlisch onderzoek kwam vast te staan.

Nadat Israël in 1967 Oost-Jeruzalem en de overige Palestijnse gebieden bezette, werd de Israëlische wet in 1970 uitgebreid met een amendement dat (uitsluitend) Joden het recht geeft om in bezet Oost-Jeruzalem land en onroerend goed op te eisen dat voor 1948 Joods bezit was. De wet wordt vervolgens afgedwongen door het Israëlische juridische systeem van toepassing te verklaren op bezet gebied, wat de Palestijnen kansloos maakt, zelfs al kunnen die hun eigendomsrecht aantonen.

Kapot geprocedeerd

Met toepassing van het amendement kende Israël het eigendom van het land waarop de bedreigde families in Sheikh Jarrah wonen in 1972 toe aan twee Joodse organisaties, die het in de jaren negentig doorverkochten aan de private kolonistenorganisatie Nahalat Shimon International, een in de VS geregistreerd bedrijf met onbekende geldschieters. Het bedrijf diende al in 2009 een plan in bij het Israëlische gemeentebestuur van Jeruzalem voor de vestiging van een nieuwe Joodse kolonie van tweehonderd woningen in Sheikh Jarrah, waarvoor tenminste vijfhonderd Palestijnen het veld dienen te ruimen.

De door de kolonisten van Nahalat Shimon gevolgde strategie loopt via de Israëlische rechter. De Palestijnse eigenaren worden jaren achtereen letterlijk kapot geprocedeerd, tot aan het Israëlische Hooggerechtshof toe. Dat gaf de vier bedreigde Palestijnse families op 2 mei jl. vier dagen de tijd om met de kolonisten tot een vergelijk te komen, wat door de Palestijnen rigoreus werd afgewezen. Daarop wees het hof vandaag aan voor een besluit, waarop het echter zondag terugkwam: de zaak is voorlopig uitgesteld.

Wereldwijde protesten

Reden voor het uitstel is dat de woede en frustratie onder de Palestijnen zich heeft verspreid over de Westoever, Gaza en steden binnen Israël zelf. In Haifa werd zondagavond massaal gedemonstreerd, waarbij door de politie geweld werd gebruikt en 18 arrestaties werden verricht. Ook in onder meer Nazareth en Ramallah werd gedemonstreerd.

Maar ook internationaal is de maat vol. Wereldwijd werden zondag protestacties gehouden, waaronder in Amsterdam, Londen, Berlijn en Chicago. Talloze landen, waaronder de VS en Israëls nieuwe Arabische vrienden Bahrein en de VAE, hebben Israël aangesproken op zijn politiek in Oost-Jeruzalem en de dreigende gevolgen. Deze maandag komt de VN-Veiligheidsraad bijeen op verzoek van onder meer Frankrijk, Ierland en Noorwegen.

Grote risico’s

Intussen neemt het risico op complete ontsporing toe. Juist deze maandag viert Israël ‘Jeruzalemdag’, ter ere van de ‘hereniging’ van West- en Oost-Jeruzalem in 1967. Het is gebruikelijk dat ‘s avonds een vlaggenparade plaatsvindt, waarbij duizenden nationalistische Israëli’s provocatief door het bezette Oost-Jeruzalem marcheren. Gezien de explosieve situatie, die bovendien samenvalt met het einde van de vastenmaand Ramadan, ligt een verbod van de parade voor de hand.

Van Israëlische politici en bestuurders valt zo’n verbod echter niet te verwachten, vervlochten als de meesten zijn met de kolonistenbeweging. Symbool van die cultuur is locoburgemeester Aryeh King van Jerusalem, die vrijdag aan de New York Times in alle openheid uitlegde dat de huisuitzettingen deel uitmaken van de strategie om ‘de vijand’ (de Palestijnen en andere niet-Joden) te vervangen door ‘Joden’.

De Israëlische regering heeft elke verantwoordelijkheid voor de huidige escalatie van de hand gewezen met de bizarre redenering dat rond de huisuitzettingen sprake is van een ‘privaat geschil’, dat door de Palestijnen wordt gebruikt om herrie te schoppen. Zondag paaide premier Netanyahu zijn rechtse bondgenoten met de belofte dat Israël zal doorgaan met het koloniseren van Oost-Jeruzalem.

‘Pogrom’ als voorproefje

Diezelfde houding leidde minder dan drie weken geleden tot een voorproefje van wat de Palestijnen vanavond mogelijk te wachten staat, toen de ultra rechts-nationalistische organisatie Lehava toestemming kreeg voor een massale demonstratie in Oost-Jeruzalem onder het motto ‘herstel van Joodse waardigheid’. Locoburgemeester King zette de toon met de oproep aan de politie om Palestijnse demonstranten die ‘s nachts op straat waren dood te schieten.

Aldus zette zich op 22 april een horde aan extremistische Israëli’s in beweging onder uitroepen als ‘Dood aan de Arabieren’ en ‘We branden je dorp af’. Ondanks pogingen van de Israëlische politie om hen tegen te houden, werden op talloze plaatsen Palestijnen aangevallen, huizen binnengedrongen, en keerde ook de politie zich met grof geweld tegen de Palestijnen. Gevolg: 105 gewonde Palestijnen, van wie er 22 moesten worden opgenomen, en twee gewonde Israëli’s. Vijftig personen werden gearresteerd, de meesten Palestijn. Diverse media berichtten over de Lehava-actie als een ‘pogrom’.

In de avonden daaraan voorafgaand liepen groepen Israëlische Joden ook al door het stadscentrum, ‘Dood aan de Arabieren’ scanderend, en Palestijnse voorbijgangers bekogelend met stenen en traangas. Een getuige zag een groep van zestig Joden die ‘op zoek waren naar Arabieren’ en willekeurige Palestijnen aanvielen. Binnen de groep werd met trots verteld dat ‘ze acht Arabieren hebben gegrepen’ en er ‘één bijna hebben vermoord’.

In deze traditie zal deze maandag dus een Israëlische vlaggenparade plaatsvinden door de Oude Stad, waarbij ook een bezoek aan de Al-Haram al-Sharif (Tempelberg) op het programma staat – de locatie van de Al-Aqsa-moskee, waar tienduizenden Palestijnen deze week de rituelen rond het einde van de Ramadan volbrengen. Vijf dagen later gedenken de Palestijnen de Nakba, de ‘Catastrofe’ waarbij in 1947-48 circa 750 duizend Palestijnen werden verdreven. Voor veel Palestijnen in Oost-Jeruzalem, waaronder in Sheikh Jarrah, gebeurt dat in het vooruitzicht van een nieuwe verdrijving. In alle opzichten reden om het ergste te vrezen.
EINDE ARTIKEL

[16]
”The 213-page report, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution,” examines Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. It presents the present-day reality of a single authority, the Israeli government, ruling primarily over the area between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea, populated by two groups of roughly equal size, and methodologically privileging Jewish Israelis while repressing Palestinians, most severely in the occupied territory.”

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHABUSIVE ISRAELI POLICIES CONSTITUTE CRIMES OFAPARTHEID, PERSECUTIONCRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY SHOULD TRIGGER ACTION TO END REPRESSION AGAINST PALESTINIANS
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/abusive-israeli-policies-constitute-crimes-apartheid-persecution

(Jerusalem) – Israeli authorities are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The finding is based on an overarching Israeli government policy to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians and grave abuses committed against Palestinians living in the occupied territory, including East Jerusalem.

The 213-page report, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution,” examines Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. It presents the present-day reality of a single authority, the Israeli government, ruling primarily over the area between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea, populated by two groups of roughly equal size, and methodologically privileging Jewish Israelis while repressing Palestinians, most severely in the occupied territory.April 27, 2021

Q&A: A Threshold Crossed

Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution


“Prominent voices have warned for years that apartheid lurks just around the corner if the trajectory of Israel’s rule over Palestinians does not change,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “This detailed study shows that Israeli authorities have already turned that corner and today are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.”

The finding of apartheid and persecution does not change the legal status of the occupied territory, made up of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza, or the factual reality of occupation.

Originally coined in relation to South Africa, apartheid today is a universal legal term. The prohibition against particularly severe institutional discrimination and oppression or apartheid constitutes a core principle of international law. The 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the 1998 Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court (ICC) define apartheid as a crime against humanity consisting of three primary elements:

  1. An intent to maintain domination by one racial group over another.
  2. A context of systematic oppression by the dominant group over the marginalized group.
  3. Inhumane acts.

The reference to a racial group is understood today to address not only treatment on the basis of genetic traits but also treatment on the basis of descent and national or ethnic origin, as defined in the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. Human Rights Watch applies this broader understanding of race.

The crime against humanity of persecution, as defined under the Rome Statute and customary international law, consists of severe deprivation of fundamental rights of a racial, ethnic, or other group with discriminatory intent.

Human Rights Watch found that the elements of the crimes come together in the occupied territory, as part of a single Israeli government policy. That policy is to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians across Israel and the occupied territory. It is coupled in the occupied territory with systematic oppression and inhumane acts against Palestinians living there.

Drawing on years of human rights documentation, case studies, and a review of government planning documents, statements by officials, and other sources, Human Rights Watch compared policies and practices toward Palestinians in the occupied territory and Israel with those concerning Jewish Israelis living in the same areas. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Israeli government in July 2020, soliciting its perspectives on these issues, but has received no response.

Across Israel and the occupied territory, Israeli authorities have sought to maximize the land available for Jewish communities and to concentrate most Palestinians in dense population centers. The authorities have adopted policies to mitigate what they have openly described as a “demographic threat” from Palestinians. In Jerusalem, for example, the government’s plan for the municipality, including both the west and occupied east parts of the city, sets the goal of “maintaining a solid Jewish majority in the city” and even specifies the demographic ratios it hopes to maintain.

To maintain domination, Israeli authorities systematically discriminate against Palestinians. The institutional discrimination that Palestinian citizens of Israel face includes laws that allow hundreds of small Jewish towns to effectively exclude Palestinians and budgets that allocate only a fraction of resources to Palestinian schools as compared to those that serve Jewish Israeli children. In the occupied territory, the severity of the repression, including the imposition of draconian military rule on Palestinians while affording Jewish Israelis living in a segregated manner in the same territory their full rights under Israel’s rights-respecting civil law, amounts to the systematic oppression required for apartheid.

Israeli authorities have committed a range of abuses against Palestinians. Many of those in the occupied territory constitute severe abuses of fundamental rights and the inhumane acts again required for apartheid, including: sweeping movement restrictions in the form of the Gaza closure and a permit regime, confiscation of more than a third of the land in the West Bank, harsh conditions in parts of the West Bank that led to the forcible transfer of thousands of Palestinians out of their homes, denial of residency rights to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and their relatives, and the suspension of basic civil rights to millions of Palestinians.

Many of the abuses at the core of the commission of these crimes, such as near-categorical denial of building permits to Palestinians and demolition of thousands of homes on the pretext of lacking permits, have no security justification. Others, such as Israel’s effective freeze on the population registry it manages in the occupied territory, which all but blocks family reunification for Palestinians living there and bars Gaza residents from living in the West Bank, use security as a pretext to further demographic goals. Even when security forms part of the motivation, it no more justifies apartheid and persecution than it would excessive force or torture, Human Rights Watch said.

“Denying millions of Palestinians their fundamental rights, without any legitimate security justification and solely because they are Palestinian and not Jewish, is not simply a matter of an abusive occupation,” Roth said. “These policies, which grant Jewish Israelis the same rights and privileges wherever they live and discriminate against Palestinians to varying degrees wherever they live, reflect a policy to privilege one people at the expense of another.”

Statements and actions by Israeli authorities in recent years, including the passage of a law with constitutional status in 2018 establishing Israel as the “nation-state of the Jewish people,” the growing body of laws that further privilege Israeli settlers in the West Bank and do not apply to Palestinians living in the same territory, as well as the massive expansion in recent years of settlements and accompanying infrastructure connecting settlements to Israel, have clarified their intent to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis. The possibility that a future Israeli leader might someday forge a deal with Palestinians that dismantles the discriminatory system does not negate that reality today.

Israeli authorities should dismantle all forms of repression and discrimination that privilege Jewish Israelis at the expense of Palestinians, including with regards to freedom of movement, allocation of land and resources, access to water, electricity, and other services, and the granting of building permits.

The ICC Office of the Prosecutor should investigate and prosecute those credibly implicated in the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. Countries should do so as well in accordance with their national laws under the principle of universal jurisdiction, and impose individual sanctions, including travel bans and asset freezes, on officials responsible for committing these crimes.

The findings of crimes against humanity should prompt the international community to reevaluate the nature of its engagement in Israel and Palestine and adopt an approach centered on human rights and accountability rather than solely on the stalled “peace process.” Countries should establish a UN commission of inquiry to investigate systematic discrimination and repression in Israel and Palestine and a UN global envoy for the crimes of persecution and apartheid with a mandate to mobilize international action to end persecution and apartheid worldwide.

Countries should condition arms sales and military and security assistance to Israel on Israeli authorities taking concrete and verifiable steps toward ending their commission of these crimes. Countries should vet agreements, cooperation schemes, and all forms of trade and dealing with Israel to screen for those directly contributing to committing the crimes, mitigate the human rights impacts and, where not possible, end activities and funding found to facilitate these serious crimes.

“While much of the world treats Israel’s half-century occupation as a temporary situation that a decades-long ‘peace process’ will soon cure, the oppression of Palestinians there has reached a threshold and a permanence that meets the definitions of the crimes of apartheid and persecution,” Roth said. “Those who strive for Israeli-Palestinian peace, whether a one or two-state solution or a confederation, should in the meantime recognize this reality for what it is and bring to bear the sorts of human rights tools needed to end it.”

[17]

””Israel has maintained military rule over some portion of the Palestinian population for all but six months of its 73-year history. It did so over the vast majority of Palestinians inside Israel from 1948 and until 1966. From 1967 until the present, it has militarily ruled over Palestinians in the OPT, excluding East Jerusalem. By contrast, it has since its founding governed all Jewish Israelis, including settlers in the OPT since the beginning of the occupation in 1967, under its more rights-respecting civil law.”RAPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH:
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHA TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEID AND PERSECUTION27 APRIL 2021
https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution

[18]

BTSELEM.ORGMILITARY COURTS
https://www.btselem.org/military_courts

Military courts have operated in the Occupied Territories since the Israeli occupation began in 1967. Over the years, they have come to be one of the main apparatuses serving the regime of occupation. To date, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have been brought before these courts. Military courts ceased operating in Gaza after Israel withdrew its military forces from the Gaza Strip in 2005, but continue to operate in the West Bank, with the exception of East Jerusalem – an area Israel annexed.

Today, the military court system includes several courts of different instances. Two courts operate in the West Bank as courts of first instance: The Judea Court is located in the Ofer military base (northwest of Jerusalem) and the Samaria Court is located at the Salem military base (in the northern West Bank). Four more branches of the military courts operate inside Israel, adjacent to Israel Security Agency (ISA, or Shabak) interrogation facilities. In these courts, military judges preside over hearing on extending the detention of interrogates. As of 2009, a Military Juvenile Court has been operating at the Ofer military base. The base is also home to the Military Court of Appeals, the Military Court for Administrative Detention and the Military Court of Appeals regarding Administrative Detention.

The military courts’ jurisdiction has hardly been affected by the division of the West Bank into Areas A, B and C under the Oslo Accords or the transfer of certain civil and security responsibilities to the Palestinian Authority (PA). Palestinians from all over the West Bank continue to be prosecuted in these courts for violations of the military’s body of law.

The military courts have jurisdiction over two types of offenses. The first is known as “security offenses”, and includes “any offense enumerated in the security legislation and in statute” – whether committed in areas under control of the Israeli military, outside the West Bank, or in areas A and B, which have been transferred to the PA – as long as it “breached or was intended to breach the security of the area”. The second type is offenses regarded as a threat to public order – particularly traffic violations, but also criminal offenses that are not defined as security offenses.

Every year, thousands of Palestinians are brought before military courts on various charges, including entering Israel without a permit, stone-throwing, membership in illegal association, violence, firearms-related offenses and traffic violations. The latter constitute, on average, about 40% of all indictments a year.

Officially, military courts are authorized to try anyone who commits an offense in the West Bank, including settlers, Israeli citizens residing in Israel, and foreign nationals. However, in the early 1980s, the Attorney General decided that Israeli citizens would be tried in the Israeli civilian court system according to Israeli penal laws, even if they live in the Occupied Territories and the offense was committed there, against residents of the Occupied Territories. That policy remains in effect to this day. This means that people are tried in different courts, under different laws, for the exact same offense committed in the exact same place: Palestinian defendants are tried in military courts, their guilt or innocence determined according to the evidence laws followed in this court system, and their sentences according to the provisions of military orders. Israeli defendants are tried in a civilian court in Israel, exonerated or convicted under Israeli evidence laws, and sentenced under Israeli law as well.

One of the most problematic practices of military courts is the use of remand in custody until the end of proceedings. This means that a person whose interrogation has been completed and who has already been formally charged is kept in detention until the legal proceedings are over. These individuals are not serving a prison sentence, have not even been sentenced, and should be presumed innocent until proven guilty. Yet, other than in cases involving traffic violations, this practice is the rule rather than the exception in the military court system. The military prosecution routinely asks for remand in custody of Palestinian defendants for the duration of the proceedings, and the courts grant the vast majority of the motions.

According to Israel’s Law of Arrests, in order for a judge to order a defendant’s remand in custody, the prosecution must prove the presence of all three conditions:

Military judges are supposed to rely on the three conditions stipulated in Israeli law for approving remand in custody: prima facie evidence to prove guilt, grounds for arrest and lack of a relevant alternative to detention which could achieve the purpose of detention in a manner that is less injurious to the defendant. However, the interpretation that military judges give these conditions renders them meaningless and nullifies their effectiveness as potent checks on the process of approving remand in custody. The bar for the evidence that the prosecution is required to present has been set so low that it, in fact, absolves the prosecution of the duty to present evidence to justify the detention; the requirement for “grounds for detention” has been replaced with a string of presumptions, and military courts have stipulated that, as a rule, Palestinian defendants cannot be released to an alternative to custody. Even in the few cases in which the judges agree to release defendants, they set high bail, reaching thousands of shekels.

A direct outcome of this policy is that the vast majority of military court cases end in plea bargains in which the defendants plead guilty (usually in return for the prosecution dropping some of the charges). Defendants prefer to avoid a lengthy evidentiary trial, knowing that in most probability, they would be held in remand for the duration of the trial, such that even if they are ultimately acquitted, their time in detention would exceed the sentence they would receive in the plea bargain. As a consequence, the prosecution is seldom required to go through a full evidentiary trial, in which it must present evidence to prove a person guilty. Instead, the outcome of the case is decided at the time remand is granted, rather than on the basis of evidence against the defendant. And so, a pretrial decision to remand a defendant in custody before conviction renders the judicial proceeding meaningless.

To all intents and purposes, the Israeli military court appears to be a court like any other. There are prosecutors and defense attorneys. There are rules of procedure, laws and regulations. There are judges who hand down rulings and verdicts couched in reasoned legal language. Nonetheless, this façade of propriety masks one of the most injurious apparatuses of the occupation. The military orders are all written by Israeli soldiers and reflect what they consider to be harmful to Israeli interests. Palestinians have no way of influencing the content of the military orders that rule their lives. The military judges and prosecutors are always Israeli soldiers in uniform. The Palestinians are always viewed as either suspects or defendants, and are almost always convicted. For all these reasons, military courts are not an impartial, neutral arbitrator – nor can they be. They are firmly entrenched on one side of this unequal balance, and serve as one of the central systems maintaining Israel’s control over the Palestinian people.

EINDE ARTIKEL

”A new report published by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) outlines the nature of the legal regime currently operating in the West Bank. Two systems of law are applied in a single territory: one – a civilian legal system for Israeli citizens, and a second – a military court system for Palestinian residents. The result: institutionalized discrimination.”

ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: 

ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK

24 NOVEMBER 2014

[19]HET PAROOLOPINIE: NEDERLAND IS MEDEPLICHTIG AAN APARTHEID JEGENS PALESTIJNEN20 APRIL 2021
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-nederland-is-medeplichtig-aan-israelische-apartheid-jegens-palestijnen~b306f2fe/
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 3

[20]

HET PAROOLTENDENTIEUZE APARTHEIDSKRITIEK BRENGT PALESTIJNEN NERGENS
https://www.parool.nl/columns-opinie/opinie-tendentieuze-apartheidskritiek-brengt-palestijnen-nergens~b936d7fe/
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 2

[21]

ICJ ADVISORY OPINION ON THE LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OFTHE CONSTRUCTION OF A WALL IN THE OPT-FULL TEXT
https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-178825/

ICJ Advisory opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the OPT – Full text

Advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

Note by the Secretary-General

1. At the 23rd meeting of its tenth emergency special session, on 8 December 2003, the General Assembly, by resolution ES-10/14, decided, in accordance with Article 96, paragraph 1, of the Charter of the United Nations, to request the International Court of Justice to urgently render an advisory opinion on the following question:

What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the report of the Secretary-General, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions?

2. On 9 July 2004, the International Court of Justice delivered its advisory opinion on the above question.

3. On 13 July 2004, I received the duly signed and sealed copy of this advisory opinion of the Court.

4. I hereby transmit to the General Assembly the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice on 9 July 2004, as well as the separate opinions and the declaration appended thereto, in the case concerning the legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE

YEAR 200420049 JulyGeneral ListNo. 131

LEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF A WALL

IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY

Jurisdiction of the Court to give the advisory opinion requested.

Article 65, paragraph 1, of the Statute  Article 96, paragraph 1, of the Charter  Power of General Assembly to request advisory opinions  Activities of Assembly.

Events leading to the adoption of General Assembly resolution ES-10/14 requesting the advisory opinion.

Contention that General Assembly acted ultra vires under the Charter  Article 12, paragraph 1, and Article 24 of the Charter  United Nations practice concerning the interpretation of Article 12, paragraph 1, of Charter  General Assembly did not exceed its competence.

Request for opinion adopted by the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly  Session convened pursuant to resolution 377 A (V) (“Uniting for Peace”)  Conditions set by that resolution  Regularity of procedure followed.

Alleged lack of clarity of the terms of the question  Purportedly abstract nature of the question  Political aspects of the question  Motives said to have inspired the request and opinion’s possible implications  “Legal” nature of question unaffected.

Court having jurisdiction to give advisory opinion requested.

*        *

Discretionary power of Court to decide whether it should give an opinion.

Article 65, paragraph 1, of Statute  Relevance of lack of consent of a State concerned  Question cannot be regarded only as a bilateral matter between Israel and Palestine but is directly of concern to the United Nations  Possible effects of opinion on a political, negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict  Question representing only one aspect of Israeli-Palestinian conflict  Sufficiency of information and evidence available to Court  Useful purpose of opinion  Nullus commodum capere potest de sua injuria propria  Opinion to be given to the General Assembly, not to a specific State or entity.

No “compelling reason” for Court to use its discretionary power not to give an advisory opinion.

*        *

“Legal consequences” of the construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem  Scope of question posed  Request for opinion limited to the legal consequences of the construction of those parts of the wall situated in Occupied Palestinian Territory  Use of the term “wall”.

Historical background.

Description of the wall.

*        *

Applicable law.

United Nations Charter   General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV)  Illegality of any territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force  Right of peoples to self-determination.

International humanitarian law  Regulations annexed to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907  Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949  Applicability of Fourth Geneva Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory  Human rights law  International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights  International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights  Convention on the Rights of the Child  Relationship between international humanitarian law and human rights law  Applicability of human rights instruments outside national territory  Applicability of those instruments in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

*        *

Settlements established by Israel in breach of international law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory  Construction of the wall and its associated régime create a “fait accompli” on the ground that could well become permanent  Risk of situation tantamount to de facto annexation  Construction of the wall severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.

Applicable provisions of international humanitarian law and human rights instruments relevant to the present case  Destruction and requisition of properties  Restrictions on freedom of movement of inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territory  Impediments to the exercise by those concerned of the right to work, to health, to education and to an adequate standard of living  Demographic changes in the Occupied Palestinian Territory  Provisions of international humanitarian law enabling account to be taken of military exigencies  Clauses in human rights instruments qualifying rights guaranteed or providing for derogation  Construction of the wall and its associated régime cannot be justified by military exigencies or by the requirements of national security or public order  Breach by Israel of various of its obligations under the applicable provisions of international humanitarian law and human rights instruments.

Self-defence  Article 51 of the Charter  Attacks against Israel not imputable to a foreign State  Threat invoked to justify the construction of the wall originating within a territory over which Israel exercises control  Article 51 not relevant in the present case.

State of necessity  Customary international law  Conditions  Construction of the wall not the only means to safeguard Israel’s interests against the peril invoked.

Construction of the wall and its associated régime are contrary to international law.

*        *

Legal consequences of the violation by Israel of its obligations.

Israel’s international responsibility  Israel obliged to comply with the international obligations it has breached by the construction of the wall  Israel obliged to put an end to the violation of its international obligations  Obligation to cease forthwith the works of construction of the wall, to dismantle it forthwith and to repeal or render ineffective forthwith the legislative and regulatory acts relating to its construction, save where relevant for compliance by Israel with its obligation to make reparation for the damage caused  Israel obliged to make reparation for the damage caused to all natural or legal persons affected by construction of the wall.

Legal consequences for States other than Israel  Erga omnes character of certain obligations violated by Israel  Obligation for all States not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from construction of the wall and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction  Obligation for all States, while respecting the Charter and international law, to see to it that any impediment, resulting from the construction of the wall, to the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination is brought to an end  Obligation for all States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention, while respecting the Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention  Need for the United Nations, and especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, to consider what further action is required to bring to an end the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and its associated régime, taking due account of the Advisory Opinion.

*        *

Construction of the wall must be placed in a more general context  Obligation of Israel and Palestine scrupulously to observe international humanitarian law  Implementation in good faith of all relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973)  “Roadmap”  Need for efforts to be encouraged with a view to achieving as soon as possible, on the basis of international law, a negotiated solution to the outstanding problems and the establishment of a Palestinian State, with peace and security for all in the region. 


ADVISORY OPINION

Present: President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Buergenthal, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;  Registrar Couvreur.

On the legal consequences of the construction of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,

The Court,

Composed as above,

Gives the following Advisory Opinion:

1. The question on which the advisory opinion of the Court has been requested is set forth in resolution ES-10/14 adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations (hereinafter the “General Assembly”) on 8 December 2003 at its Tenth Emergency Special Session.  By a letter dated 8 December 2003 and received in the Registry by facsimile on 10 December 2003, the original of which reached the Registry subsequently, the Secretary-General of the United Nations officially communicated to the Court the decision taken by the General Assembly to submit the question for an advisory opinion.  Certified true copies of the English and French versions of resolution ES-10/14 were enclosed with the letter.  The resolution reads as follows:

The General Assembly,

Reaffirming its resolution ES-10/13 of 21 October 2003,

Guided by the principles of the Charter of the United Nations,

Aware of the established principle of international law on the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force,

Aware also that developing friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples is among the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations,

Recalling relevant General Assembly resolutions, including resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, which partitioned mandated Palestine into two States, one Arab and one Jewish,

Recalling also the resolutions of the tenth emergency special session of the General Assembly,

Recalling further relevant Security Council resolutions, including resolutions 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, 338 (1973) of 22 October 1973, 267 (1969) of 3 July 1969, 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971, 446 (1979) of 22 March 1979, 452 (1979) of 20 July 1979, 465 (1980) of 1 March 1980, 476 (1980) of 30 June 1980, 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980, 904 (1994) of 18 March 1994, 1073 (1996) of 28 September 1996, 1397 (2002) of 12 March 2002 and 1515 (2003) of 19 November 2003,

Reaffirming the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention 1/ as well as Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions 2/ to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,

Recalling the Regulations annexed to the Hague Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 1907 3/,

Welcoming the convening of the Conference of High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention on measures to enforce the Convention in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, at Geneva on 15 July 1999,

Expressing its support for the declaration adopted by the reconvened Conference of High Contracting Parties at Geneva on 5 December 2001,

Recalling in particular relevant United Nations resolutions affirming that Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, are illegal and an obstacle to peace and to economic and social development as well as those demanding the complete cessation of settlement activities,

Recalling relevant United Nations resolutions affirming that actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, to change the status and demographic composition of Occupied East Jerusalem have no legal validity and are null and void,

Noting the agreements reached between the Government of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization in the context of the Middle East peace process,

Gravely concerned at the commencement and continuation of construction by Israel, the occupying Power, of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, which is in departure from the Armistice Line of 1949 (Green Line) and which has involved the confiscation and destruction of Palestinian land and resources, the disruption of the lives of thousands of protected civilians and the de facto annexation of large areas of territory, and underlining the unanimous opposition by the international community to the construction of that wall,

Gravely concerned also at the even more devastating impact of the projected parts of the wall on the Palestinian civilian population and on the prospects for solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and establishing peace in the region,

Welcoming the report of 8 September 2003 of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967 4/, in particular the section regarding the wall,

Affirming the necessity of ending the conflict on the basis of the two-State solution of Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security based on the Armistice Line of 1949, in accordance with relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions,

Having received with appreciation the report of the Secretary-General, submitted in accordance with resolution ES-10/13 5/,

Bearing in mind that the passage of time further compounds the difficulties on the ground, as Israel, the occupying Power, continues to refuse to comply with international law vis-à-vis its construction of the above-mentioned wall, with all its detrimental implications and consequences,

Decides, in accordance with Article 96 of the Charter of the United Nations, to request the International Court of Justice, pursuant to Article 65 of the Statute of the Court, to urgently render an advisory opinion on the following question:

What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the report of the Secretary-General, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions?

_______________

1/United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol. 75, No. 973.

2/  Ibid., Vol. 1125, No. 17512.

3/ See Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, The Hague Conventions and Declarations of 1899 and 1907 (New York, Oxford University Press, 1915).

4/ E/CN.4/2004/6.

5/ A/ES-10/248.”

Also enclosed with the letter were the certified English and French texts of the report of the Secretary-General dated 24 November 2003, prepared pursuant to General Assembly resolution ES-10/13 (A/ES-10/248), to which resolution ES-10/14 makes reference.

2. By letters dated 10 December 2003, the Registrar notified the request for an advisory opinion to all States entitled to appear before the Court, in accordance with Article 66, paragraph 1, of the Statute.

3. By a letter dated 11 December 2003, the Government of Israel informed the Court of its position on the request for an advisory opinion and on the procedure to be followed.  

4. By an Order of 19 December 2003, the Court decided that the United Nations and its Member States were likely, in accordance with Article 66, paragraph 2, of the Statute, to be able to furnish information on all aspects raised by the question submitted to the Court for an advisory opinion and fixed 30 January 2004 as the time-limit within which written statements might be submitted to it on the question in accordance with Article 66, paragraph 4, of the Statute.  By the same Order, the Court further decided that, in the light of resolution ES-10/14 and the report of the Secretary-General transmitted with the request, and taking into account the fact that the General Assembly had granted Palestine a special status of observer and that the latter was co-sponsor of the draft resolution requesting the advisory opinion, Palestine might also submit a written statement on the question within the above time-limit.  

5. By the aforesaid Order, the Court also decided, in accordance with Article 105, paragraph 4, of the Rules of Court, to hold public hearings during which oral statements and comments might be presented to it by the United Nations and its Member States, regardless of whether or not they had submitted written statements, and fixed 23 February 2004 as the date for the opening of the said hearings.  By the same Order, the Court decided that, for the reasons set out above (see paragraph 4), Palestine might also take part in the hearings.  Lastly, it invited the United Nations and its Member States, as well as Palestine, to inform the Registry, by 13 February 2004 at the latest, if they were intending to take part in the above-mentioned hearings.  By letters of 19 December 2004, the Registrar informed them of the Court’s decisions and transmitted to them a copy of the Order.

6. Ruling on requests submitted subsequently by the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Court decided, in accordance with Article 66 of its Statute, that those two international organizations were likely to be able to furnish information on the question submitted to the Court, and that consequently they might for that purpose submit written statements within the time-limit fixed by the Court in its Order of 19 December 2003 and take part in the hearings.

7. Pursuant to Article 65, paragraph 2, of the Statute, the Secretary-General of the United Nations communicated to the Court a dossier of documents likely to throw light upon the question.

8. By a reasoned Order of 30 January 2004 regarding its composition in the case, the Court decided that the matters brought to its attention by the Government of Israel in a letter of 31 December 2003, and in a confidential letter of 15 January 2004 addressed to the President pursuant to Article 34, paragraph 2, of the Rules of Court, were not such as to preclude Judge Elaraby from sitting in the case.

9. Within the time-limit fixed by the Court for that purpose, written statements were filed by, in order of their receipt:  Guinea, Saudi Arabia, League of Arab States, Egypt, Cameroon, Russian Federation, Australia, Palestine, United Nations, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Canada, Syria, Switzerland, Israel, Yemen, United States of America, Morocco, Indonesia, Organization of the Islamic Conference, France, Italy, Sudan, South Africa, Germany, Japan, Norway, United Kingdom, Pakistan, Czech Republic, Greece, Ireland on its own behalf, Ireland on behalf of the European Union, Cyprus, Brazil, Namibia, Malta, Malaysia, Netherlands, Cuba, Sweden, Spain, Belgium, Palau, Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Senegal, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  Upon receipt of those statements, the Registrar transmitted copies thereof to the United Nations and its Member States, to Palestine, to the League of Arab States and to the Organization of the Islamic Conference.

10. Various communications were addressed to these latter by the Registry, concerning in particular the measures taken for the organization of the oral proceedings.  By communications of 20 February 2004, the Registry transmitted a detailed timetable of the hearings to those of the latter who, within the time-limit fixed for that purpose by the Court, had expressed their intention of taking part in the aforementioned proceedings.

11. Pursuant to Article 106 of the Rules of Court, the Court decided to make the written statements accessible to the public, with effect from the opening of the oral proceedings.

12. In the course of hearings held from 23 to 25 February 2004, the Court heard oral statements, in the following order, by:

*

*         *

13. When seised of a request for an advisory opinion, the Court must first consider whether it has jurisdiction to give the opinion requested and whether, should the answer be in the affirmative, there is any reason why it should decline to exercise any such jurisdiction (see Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 232, para. 10).

*        *

14. The Court will thus first address the question whether it possesses jurisdiction to give the advisory opinion requested by the General Assembly on 8 December 2003.  The competence of the Court in this regard is based on Article 65, paragraph 1, of its Statute, according to which the Court “may give an advisory opinion on any legal question at the request of whatever body may be authorized by or in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations to make such a request”.  The Court has already had occasion to indicate that:

“It is . . . a precondition of the Court’s competence that the advisory opinion be requested by an organ duly authorized to seek it under the Charter, that it be requested on a legal question, and that, except in the case of the General Assembly or the Security Council, that question should be one arising within the scope of the activities of the requesting organ.”  (Application for Review of Judgement No. 273 of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1982, pp. 333-334, para. 21.)

15. It is for the Court to satisfy itself that the request for an advisory opinion comes from an organ or agency having competence to make it.  In the present instance, the Court notes that the General Assembly, which seeks the advisory opinion, is authorized to do so by Article 96, paragraph 1, of the Charter, which provides:  “The General Assembly or the Security Council may request the International Court of Justice to give an advisory opinion on any legal question.”

16. Although the above-mentioned provision states that the General Assembly may seek an advisory opinion “on any legal question”, the Court has sometimes in the past given certain indications as to the relationship between the question the subject of a request for an advisory opinion and the activities of the General Assembly (Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 70; Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), pp. 232 and 233, paras. 11 and 12).

17. The Court will so proceed in the present case.  The Court would observe that Article 10 of the Charter has conferred upon the General Assembly a competence relating to “any questions or any matters” within the scope of the Charter, and that Article 11, paragraph 2, has specifically provided it with competence on “questions relating to the maintenance of international peace and security brought before it by any Member of the United Nations . . .” and to make recommendations under certain conditions fixed by those Articles.  As will be explained below, the question of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory was brought before the General Assembly by a number of Member States in the context of the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the Assembly, convened to deal with what the Assembly, in its resolution ES-10/2 of 25 April 1997, considered to constitute a threat to international peace and security.  

*

18. Before further examining the problems of jurisdiction that have been raised in the present proceedings, the Court considers it necessary to describe the events that led to the adoption of resolution ES-10/14, by which the General Assembly requested an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

19. The Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, at which that resolution was adopted, was first convened following the rejection by the Security Council, on 7 March and 21 March 1997, as a result of negative votes by a permanent member, of two draft resolutions concerning certain Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (see, respectively, S/1997/199 and S/PV.3747, and S/1997/241 and S/PV.3756).  By a letter of 31 March 1997, the Chairman of the Arab Group then requested “that an emergency special session of the General Assembly be convened pursuant to resolution 377 A (V) entitled ‘Uniting for Peace’” with a view to discussing “Illegal Israeli actions in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory” (letter dated 31 March 1997 from the Permanent Representative of Qatar to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General, A/ES-10/1, 22 April 1997, Annex).  The majority of Members of the United Nations having concurred in this request, the first meeting of the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly took place on 24 April 1997 (see A/ES-10/1, 22 April 1997).  Resolution ES-10/2 was adopted the following day;  the General Assembly thereby expressed its conviction that:

“the repeated violation by Israel, the occupying Power, of international law and its failure to comply with relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and the agreements reached between the parties undermine the Middle East peace process and constitute a threat to international peace and security”,

and condemned the “illegal Israeli actions” in occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, in particular the construction of settlements in that territory.  The Tenth Emergency Special Session was then adjourned temporarily and has since been reconvened 11 times (on 15 July 1997, 13 November 1997, 17 March 1998, 5 February 1999, 18 October 2000, 20 December 2001, 7 May 2002, 5 August 2002, 19 September 2003, 20 October 2003 and 8 December 2003).

20. By a letter dated 9 October 2003, the Chairman of the Arab Group, on behalf of the States Members of the League of Arab States, requested an immediate meeting of the Security Council to consider the “grave and ongoing Israeli violations of international law, including international humanitarian law, and to take the necessary measures in this regard” (letter of 9 October 2003 from the Permanent Representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the United Nations to the President of the Security Council, S/2003/973, 9 October 2003).  This letter was accompanied by a draft resolution for consideration by the Council, which condemned as illegal the construction by Israel of a wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory departing from the Armistice Line of 1949.  The Security Council held its 4841st and 4842nd meetings on 14 October 2003 to consider the item entitled “The situation in the Middle East, including the Palestine question”.  It then had before it another draft resolution proposed on the same day by Guinea, Malaysia, Pakistan and the Syrian Arab Republic, which also condemned the construction of the wall.  This latter draft resolution was put to a vote after an open debate and was not adopted owing to the negative vote of a permanent member of the Council (S/PV.4841 and S/PV.4842).

On 15 October 2003, the Chairman of the Arab Group, on behalf of the States Members of the League of Arab States, requested the resumption of the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly to consider the item of “Illegal Israeli actions in Occupied East Jerusalem and the rest of the Occupied Palestinian Territory” (A/ES-10/242);  this request was supported by the Non-Aligned Movement (A/ES-10/243) and the Organization of the Islamic Conference Group at the United Nations (A/ES-10/244).  The Tenth Emergency Special Session resumed its work on 20 October 2003.

21. On 27 October 2003, the General Assembly adopted resolution ES-10/13, by which it demanded that “Israel stop and reverse the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, which is in departure of the Armistice Line of 1949 and is in contradiction to relevant provisions of international law” (para. 1).  In paragraph 3, the Assembly requested the Secretary-General “to report on compliance with the . . . resolution periodically, with the first report on compliance with paragraph 1 [of that resolution] to be submitted within one month . . .”.  The Tenth Emergency Special Session was temporarily adjourned and, on 24 November 2003, the report of the Secretary-General prepared pursuant to General Assembly resolution ES-10/13 (hereinafter the “report of the Secretary-General”) was issued (A/ES-10/248).

22. Meanwhile, on 19 November 2003, the Security Council adopted resolution 1515 (2003), by which it “Endorse[d] the Quartet Performance-based Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict”.  The Quartet consists of representatives of the United States of America, the European Union, the Russian Federation and the United Nations.  That resolution

Call[ed] on the parties to fulfil their obligations under the Roadmap in cooperation with the Quartet and to achieve the vision of two States living side by side in peace and security.”

Neither the “Roadmap” nor resolution 1515 (2003) contained any specific provision concerning the construction of the wall, which was not discussed by the Security Council in this context.

23. Nineteen days later, on 8 December 2003, the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly again resumed its work, following a new request by the Chairman of the Arab Group, on behalf of the States Members of the League of Arab States, and pursuant to resolution ES-10/13 (letter dated 1 December 2003 to the President of the General Assembly from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Kuwait to the United Nations, A/ES-10/249, 2 December 2003).  It was during the meeting convened on that day that resolution ES-10/14 requesting the present Advisory Opinion was adopted.

*

24. Having thus recalled the sequence of events that led to the adoption of resolution ES-10/14, the Court will now turn to the questions of jurisdiction that have been raised in the present proceedings.  First, Israel has alleged that, given the active engagement of the Security Council with the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian question, the General Assembly acted ultra vires under the Charter when it requested an advisory opinion on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

25. The Court has already indicated that the subject of the present request for an advisory opinion falls within the competence of the General Assembly under the Charter (see paragraphs 15-17 above).  However, Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter provides that:

“While the Security Council is exercising in respect of any dispute or situation the functions assigned to it in the present Charter, the General Assembly shall not make any recommendation with regard to that dispute or situation unless the Security Council so requests.”

A request for an advisory opinion is not in itself a “recommendation” by the General Assembly “with regard to [a] dispute or situation”.  It has however been argued in this case that the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution ES-10/14 was ultra vires as not in accordance with Article 12.  The Court thus considers that it is appropriate for it to examine the significance of that Article, having regard to the relevant texts and the practice of the United Nations.

26. Under Article 24 of the Charter the Security Council has “primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security”.  In that regard it can impose on States “an explicit obligation of compliance if for example it issues an order or command . . . under Chapter VII” and can, to that end, “require enforcement by coercive action” (Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory Opinion of 20 July 1962, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 163).  However, the Court would emphasize that Article 24 refers to a primary, but not necessarily exclusive, competence.  The General Assembly does have the power, inter alia, under Article 14 of the Charter, to “recommend measures for the peaceful adjustment” of various situations (Certain Expenses of the United Nations, ibid., p. 163).  “[T]he only limitation which Article 14 imposes on the General Assembly is the restriction found in Article 12, namely, that the Assembly should not recommend measures while the Security Council is dealing with the same matter unless the Council requests it to do so.”  (Ibid.).

27. As regards the practice of the United Nations, both the General Assembly and the Security Council initially interpreted and applied Article 12 to the effect that the Assembly could not make a recommendation on a question concerning the maintenance of international peace and security while the matter remained on the Council’s agenda.  Thus the Assembly during its fourth session refused to recommend certain measures on the question of Indonesia, on the ground, inter alia, that the Council remained seised of the matter (Official Records of the General Assembly, Fourth Session, Ad Hoc Political Committee, Summary Records of Meetings, 27 September-7 December 1949, 56th Meeting, 3 December 1949, p. 339, para. 118).  As for the Council, on a number of occasions it deleted items from its agenda in order to enable the Assembly to deliberate on them (for example, in respect of the Spanish question (Official Records of the Security Council, First Year:  Second Series, No. 21, 79th Meeting, 4 November 1946, p. 498), in connection with incidents on the Greek border (Official Records of the Security Council, Second Year, No. 89, 202nd Meeting, 15 September 1947, pp. 2404-2405) and in regard to the Island of Taiwan (Formosa) (Official Records of the Security Council, Fifth Year, No. 48, 506th Meeting, 29 September 1950, p. 5)).  In the case of the Republic of Korea, the Council decided on 31 January 1951 to remove the relevant item from the list of matters of which it was seised in order to enable the Assembly to deliberate on the matter (Official Records of the Security Council, Sixth Year, S/PV.531, 531st Meeting, 31 January 1951, pp. 11-12, para. 57).

However, this interpretation of Article 12 has evolved subsequently.  Thus the General Assembly deemed itself entitled in 1961 to adopt recommendations in the matter of the Congo (resolutions 1955 (XV) and 1600 (XVI)) and in 1963 in respect of the Portuguese colonies (resolution 1913 (XVIII)) while those cases still appeared on the Council’s agenda, without the Council having adopted any recent resolution concerning them.  In response to a question posed by Peru during the Twenty-third session of the General Assembly, the Legal Counsel of the United Nations confirmed that the Assembly interpreted the words “is exercising the functions” in Article 12 of the Charter as meaning “is exercising the functions at this moment” (Twenty-third General Assembly, Third Committee, 1637th meeting, A/C.3/SR.1637, para. 9).  Indeed, the Court notes that there has been an increasing tendency over time for the General Assembly and the Security Council to deal in parallel with the same matter concerning the maintenance of international peace and security (see, for example, the matters involving Cyprus, South Africa, Angola, Southern Rhodesia and more recently Bosnia and Herzegovina and Somalia).  It is often the case that, while the Security Council has tended to focus on the aspects of such matters related to international peace and security, the General Assembly has taken a broader view, considering also their humanitarian, social and economic aspects.

28. The Court considers that the accepted practice of the General Assembly, as it has evolved, is consistent with Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter.

The Court is accordingly of the view that the General Assembly, in adopting resolution ES-10/14, seeking an advisory opinion from the Court, did not contravene the provisions of Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter.  The Court concludes that by submitting that request the General Assembly did not exceed its competence.

29. It has however been contended before the Court that the present request for an advisory opinion did not fulfil the essential conditions set by resolution 377 A (V), under which the Tenth Emergency Special Session was convened and has continued to act.  In this regard, it has been said, first, that “The Security Council was never seised of a draft resolution proposing that the Council itself should request an advisory opinion from the Court on the matters now in contention”, and, that specific issue having thus never been brought before the Council, the General Assembly could not rely on any inaction by the Council to make such a request.  Secondly, it has been claimed that, in adopting resolution 1515 (2003), which endorsed the “Roadmap”, before the adoption by the General Assembly of resolution ES-10/14, the Security Council continued to exercise its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security and that, as a result, the General Assembly was not entitled to act in its place.  The validity of the procedure followed by the Tenth Emergency Special Session, especially the Session’s “rolling character” and the fact that its meeting was convened to deliberate on the request for the advisory opinion at the same time as the General Assembly was meeting in regular session, has also been questioned.

30. The Court would recall that resolution 377 A (V) states that:

“if the Security Council, because of lack of unanimity of the permanent members, fails to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security in any case where there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression, the General Assembly shall consider the matter immediately with a view to making appropriate recommendations to Members for collective measures . . .”

The procedure provided for by that resolution is premised on two conditions, namely that the Council has failed to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security as a result of a negative vote of one or more permanent members, and that the situation is one in which there appears to be a threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.  The Court must accordingly ascertain whether these conditions were fulfilled as regards the convening of the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, in particular at the time when the Assembly decided to request an advisory opinion from the Court.

31. In the light of the sequence of events described in paragraphs 18 to 23 above, the Court observes that, at the time when the Tenth Emergency Special Session was convened in 1997, the Council had been unable to take a decision on the case of certain Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, due to negative votes of a permanent member; and that, as indicated in resolution ES-10/2 (see paragraph 19 above), there existed a threat to international peace and security.

The Court further notes that, on 20 October 2003, the Tenth Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly was reconvened on the same basis as in 1997 (see the statements by the representatives of Palestine and Israel, A/ES-10/PV.21, pp. 2 and 5), after the rejection by the Security Council, on 14 October 2003, again as a result of the negative vote of a permanent member, of a draft resolution concerning the construction by Israel of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  The Court considers that the Security Council again failed to act as contemplated in resolution 377 A (V).  It does not appear to the Court that the situation in this regard changed between 20 October 2003 and 8 December 2003, since the Council neither discussed the construction of the wall nor adopted any resolution in that connection.  Thus, the Court is of the view that, up to 8 December 2003, the Council had not reconsidered the negative vote of 14 October 2003.  It follows that, during that period, the Tenth Emergency Special Session was duly reconvened and could properly be seised, under resolution 377 A (V), of the matter now before the Court.

32. The Court would also emphasize that, in the course of this Emergency Special Session, the General Assembly could adopt any resolution falling within the subject-matter for which the Session had been convened, and otherwise within its powers, including a resolution seeking the Court’s opinion.  It is irrelevant in that regard that no proposal had been made to the Security Council to request such an opinion.

33. Turning now to alleged further procedural irregularities of the Tenth Emergency Special Session, the Court does not consider that the “rolling” character of that Session, namely the fact of its having been convened in April 1997 and reconvened 11 times since then, has any relevance with regard to the validity of the request by the General Assembly.  The Court observes in that regard that the Seventh Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, having been convened on 22 July 1980, was subsequently reconvened four times (on 20 April 1982, 25 June 1982, 16 August 1982 and 24 September 1982), and that the validity of resolutions or decisions of the Assembly adopted under such circumstances was never disputed.  Nor has the validity of any previous resolutions adopted during the Tenth Emergency Special Session been challenged.

34. The Court also notes the contention by Israel that it was improper to reconvene the Tenth Emergency Special Session at a time when the regular Session of the General Assembly was in progress.  The Court considers that, while it may not have been originally contemplated that it would be appropriate for the General Assembly to hold simultaneous emergency and regular sessions, no rule of the Organization has been identified which would be thereby violated, so as to render invalid the resolution adopting the present request for an advisory opinion.

35. Finally, the Tenth Emergency Special Session appears to have been convened in accordance with Rule 9 (b) of the Rules of Procedure of the General Assembly, and the relevant meetings have been convened in pursuance of the applicable rules.  As the Court stated in its Advisory Opinion of 21 June 1971 concerning the Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), a “resolution of a properly constituted organ of the United Nations which is passed in accordance with that organ’s rules of procedure, and is declared by its President to have been so passed, must be presumed to have been validly adopted” (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 22, para. 20).  In view of the foregoing, the Court cannot see any reason why that presumption is to be rebutted in the present case.

*

36. The Court now turns to a further issue related to jurisdiction in the present proceedings, namely the contention that the request for an advisory opinion by the General Assembly is not on a “legal question” within the meaning of Article 96, paragraph 1, of the Charter and Article 65, paragraph 1, of the Statute of the Court.  It has been contended in this regard that, for a question to constitute a “legal question” for the purposes of these two provisions, it must be reasonably specific, since otherwise it would not be amenable to a response by the Court.  With regard to the request made in the present advisory proceedings, it has been argued that it is not possible to determine with reasonable certainty the legal meaning of the question asked of the Court for two reasons.

First, it has been argued that the question regarding the “legal consequences” of the construction of the wall only allows for two possible interpretations, each of which would lead to a course of action that is precluded for the Court.  The question asked could first be interpreted as a request for the Court to find that the construction of the wall is illegal, and then to give its opinion on the legal consequences of that illegality.  In this case, it has been contended, the Court should decline to respond to the question asked for a variety of reasons, some of which pertain to jurisdiction and others rather to the issue of propriety.  As regards jurisdiction, it is said that, if the General Assembly had wished to obtain the view of the Court on the highly complex and sensitive question of the legality of the construction of the wall, it should have expressly sought an opinion to that effect (cf. Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, Advisory Opinion, 1925, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 10, p. 17).  A second possible interpretation of the request, it is said, is that the Court should assume that the construction of the wall is illegal, and then give its opinion on the legal consequences of that assumed illegality.  It has been contended that the Court should also decline to respond to the question on this hypothesis, since the request would then be based on a questionable assumption and since, in any event, it would be impossible to rule on the legal consequences of illegality without specifying the nature of that illegality.

Secondly, it has been contended that the question asked of the Court is not of a “legal” character because of its imprecision and abstract nature.  In particular, it has been argued in this regard that the question fails to specify whether the Court is being asked to address legal consequences for “the General Assembly or some other organ of the United Nations”, “Member States of the United Nations”, “Israel”, “Palestine” or “some combination of the above, or some different entity”.

37. As regards the alleged lack of clarity of the terms of the General Assembly’s request and its effect on the “legal nature” of the question referred to the Court, the Court observes that this question is directed to the legal consequences arising from a given factual situation considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 (hereinafter the “Fourth Geneva Convention”) and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions.  The question submitted by the General Assembly has thus, to use the Court’s phrase in its Advisory Opinion on Western Sahara, “been framed in terms of law and raise[s] problems of international law”;  it is by its very nature susceptible of a reply based on law;  indeed it is scarcely susceptible of a reply otherwise than on the basis of law.  In the view of the Court, it is indeed a question of a legal character (see Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 18, para. 15).

38. The Court would point out that lack of clarity in the drafting of a question does not deprive the Court of jurisdiction.  Rather, such uncertainty will require clarification in interpretation, and such necessary clarifications of interpretation have frequently been given by the Court.

In the past, both the Permanent Court and the present Court have observed in some cases that the wording of a request for an advisory opinion did not accurately state the question on which the Court’s opinion was being sought (Interpretation of the Greco-Turkish Agreement of 1 December 1926 (Final Protocol, Article IV), Advisory Opinion, 1928, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 16 (I), pp. 14-16), or did not correspond to the “true legal question” under consideration (Interpretation of the Agreement of 25 March 1951 between the WHO and Egypt, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1980, pp. 87-89, paras. 34-36).  The Court noted in one case that “the question put to the Court is, on the face of it, at once infelicitously expressed and vague” (Application for Review of Judgement No. 273 of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1982, p. 348, para. 46).

Consequently, the Court has often been required to broaden, interpret and even reformulate the questions put (see the three Opinions cited above;  see also Jaworzina, Advisory Opinion, 1923, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 8;  Admissibility of Hearings of Petitioners by the Committee on South West Africa, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1956, p. 25;  Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1962, pp. 157-162).

In the present instance, the Court will only have to do what it has often done in the past, namely “identify the existing principles and rules, interpret them and apply them . . ., thus offering a reply to the question posed based on law” (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 234, para. 13).

39. In the present instance, if the General Assembly requests the Court to state the “legal consequences” arising from the construction of the wall, the use of these terms necessarily encompasses an assessment of whether that construction is or is not in breach of certain rules and principles of international law.  Thus, the Court is first called upon to determine whether such rules and principles have been and are still being breached by the construction of the wall along the planned route.

40. The Court does not consider that what is contended to be the abstract nature of the question posed to it raises an issue of jurisdiction.  Even when the matter was raised as an issue of propriety rather than one of jurisdiction, in the case concerning the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, the Court took the position that to contend that it should not deal with a question couched in abstract terms is “a mere affirmation devoid of any justification” and that “the Court may give an advisory opinion on any legal question, abstract or otherwise” (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 236, para. 15,  referring to Conditions of Admission of a State to Membership in the United Nations (Article 4 of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, 1948, I.C.J. Reports 1947-1948, p. 61;  Effect of Awards of Compensation Made by the United Nations Administrative Tribunal, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1954, p. 51;  and Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 27, para. 40).  In any event, the Court considers that the question posed to it in relation to the legal consequences of the construction of the wall is not an abstract one, and moreover that it would be for the Court to determine for whom any such consequences arise.

41. Furthermore, the Court cannot accept the view, which has also been advanced in the present proceedings, that it has no jurisdiction because of the “political” character of the question posed.  As is clear from its long-standing jurisprudence on this point, the Court considers that the fact that a legal question also has political aspects,

“as, in the nature of things, is the case with so many questions which arise in international life, does not suffice to deprive it of its character as a ‘legal question’ and to ‘deprive the Court of a competence expressly conferred on it by its Statute’(Application for Review of Judgement No. 158 of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J, Reports 1973, p. 172, para. 14).  Whatever its political aspects, the Court cannot refuse to admit the legal character of a question which invites it to discharge an essentially judicial task, namely, an assessment of the legality of the possible conduct of States with regard to the obligations imposed upon them by international law (cf. Conditions of Admission of a State to Membership in the United Nations (Article 4 of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, 1948, I.C.J. Reports 1947-1948, pp. 61-62;  Competence of the General Assembly for the Admission of a State to the United Nations, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1950, pp. 6-7;  Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 155).”  (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 234, para. 13.)

In its Opinion concerning the Interpretation of the Agreement of 25 March 1951 between the WHO and Egypt, the Court indeed emphasized that, “in situations in which political considerations are prominent it may be particularly necessary for an international organization to obtain an advisory opinion from the Court as to the legal principles applicable with respect to the matter under debate . . .” (I.C.J. Reports 1980, p. 87, para. 33).  Moreover, the Court has affirmed in its Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons that “the political nature of the motives which may be said to have inspired the request and the political implications that the opinion given might have are of no relevance in the establishment of its jurisdiction to give such an opinion” (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 234, para. 13).  The Court is of the view that there is no element in the present proceedings which could lead it to conclude otherwise.

*

42. The Court accordingly has jurisdiction to give the advisory opinion requested by resolution ES-10/14 of the General Assembly.

*        *

43. It has been contended in the present proceedings, however, that the Court should decline to exercise its jurisdiction because of the presence of specific aspects of the General Assembly’s request that would render the exercise of the Court’s jurisdiction improper and inconsistent with the Court’s judicial function.

44. The Court has recalled many times in the past that Article 65, paragraph 1, of its Statute, which provides that “The Court may give an advisory opinion . . .” (emphasis added), should be interpreted to mean that the Court has a discretionary power to decline to give an advisory opinion even if the conditions of jurisdiction are met (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 234, para. 14).  The Court however is mindful of the fact that its answer to a request for an advisory opinion “represents its participation in the activities of the Organization, and, in principle, should not be refused” (Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, First Phase, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 71;  see also, for example, Difference Relating to Immunity from Legal Process of a Special Rapporteur of the Commission of Human Rights, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1999 (I), pp. 78-79, para. 29.)  Given its responsibilities as the “principal judicial organ of the United Nations” (Article 92 of the Charter), the Court should in principle not decline to give an advisory opinion.  In accordance with its consistent jurisprudence, only “compelling reasons” should lead the Court to refuse its opinion (Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 155;  see also, for example, Difference Relating to Immunity from Legal Process of a Special Rapporteur of the Commission of Human Rights, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1999 (I), pp. 78-79, para. 29.)

The present Court has never, in the exercise of this discretionary power, declined to respond to a request for an advisory opinion.  Its decision not to give the advisory opinion on the Legality of the Use by a State of Nuclear Weapons in Armed Conflict requested by the World Health Organization was based on the Court’s lack of jurisdiction, and not on considerations of judicial propriety (see I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 235, para. 14).  Only on one occasion did the Court’s predecessor, the Permanent Court of International Justice, take the view that it should not reply to a question put to it (Status of Eastern Carelia, Advisory Opinion, 1923, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 5), but this was due to

“the very particular circumstances of the case, among which were that the question directly concerned an already existing dispute, one of the States parties to which was neither a party to the Statute of the Permanent Court nor a Member of the League of Nations, objected to the proceedings, and refused to take part in any way” (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), pp. 235-236, para. 14).

45. These considerations do not release the Court from the duty to satisfy itself, each time it is seised of a request for an opinion, as to the propriety of the exercise of its judicial function, by reference to the criterion of “compelling reasons” as cited above.  The Court will accordingly examine in detail and in the light of its jurisprudence each of the arguments presented to it in this regard.

*

46. The first such argument is to the effect that the Court should not exercise its jurisdiction in the present case because the request concerns a contentious matter between Israel and Palestine, in respect of which Israel has not consented to the exercise of that jurisdiction.  According to this view, the subject-matter of the question posed by the General Assembly “is an integral part of the wider Israeli-Palestinian dispute concerning questions of terrorism, security, borders, settlements, Jerusalem and other related matters”.  Israel has emphasized that it has never consented to the settlement of this wider dispute by the Court or by any other means of compulsory adjudication; on the contrary, it contends that the parties repeatedly agreed that these issues are to be settled by negotiation, with the possibility of an agreement that recourse could be had to arbitration.  It is accordingly contended that the Court should decline to give the present Opinion, on the basis inter alia of the precedent of the decision of the Permanent Court of International Justice on the Status of Eastern Carelia.

47. The Court observes that the lack of consent to the Court’s contentious jurisdiction by interested States has no bearing on the Court’s jurisdiction to give an advisory opinion.  In an Advisory Opinion of 1950, the Court explained that:

“The consent of States, parties to a dispute, is the basis of the Court’s jurisdiction in contentious cases.  The situation is different in regard to advisory proceedings even where the Request for an Opinion relates to a legal question actually pending between States.  The Court’s reply is only of an advisory character:  as such, it has no binding force.  It follows that no State, whether a Member of the United Nations or not, can prevent the giving of an Advisory Opinion which the United Nations considers to be desirable in order to obtain enlightenment as to the course of action it should take.  The Court’s Opinion is given not to the States, but to the organ which is entitled to request it;  the reply of the Court, itself an ‘organ of the United Nations’, represents its participation in the activities of the Organization, and, in principle, should not be refused.”  (Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, First Phase, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 71;  see also Western Sahara, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 24, para. 31.)

It followed from this that, in those proceedings, the Court did not refuse to respond to the request for an advisory opinion on the ground that, in the particular circumstances, it lacked jurisdiction.  The Court did however examine the opposition of certain interested States to the request by the General Assembly in the context of issues of judicial propriety.  Commenting on its 1950 decision, the Court explained in its Advisory Opinion on Western Sahara that it had “Thus . . . recognized that lack of consent might constitute a ground for declining to give the opinion requested if, in the circumstances of a given case, considerations of judicial propriety should oblige the Court to refuse an opinion.”  The Court continued:

“In certain circumstances . . . the lack of consent of an interested State may render the giving of an advisory opinion incompatible with the Court’s judicial character.  An instance of this would be when the circumstances disclose that to give a reply would have the effect of circumventing the principle that a State is not obliged to allow its disputes to be submitted to judicial settlement without its consent.”  (Western Sahara, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 25, paras. 32-33.)

In applying that principle to the request concerning Western Sahara, the Court found that a legal controversy did indeed exist, but one which had arisen during the proceedings of the General Assembly and in relation to matters with which the Assembly was dealing.  It had not arisen independently in bilateral relations (ibid., p. 25, para. 34).

48. As regards the request for an advisory opinion now before it, the Court acknowledges that Israel and Palestine have expressed radically divergent views on the legal consequences of Israel’s construction of the wall, on which the Court has been asked to pronounce.  However, as the Court has itself noted, “Differences of views . . . on legal issues have existed in practically every advisory proceeding” (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 24, para. 34).

49. Furthermore, the Court does not consider that the subject-matter of the General Assembly’s request can be regarded as only a bilateral matter between Israel and Palestine.  Given the powers and responsibilities of the United Nations in questions relating to international peace and security, it is the Court’s view that the construction of the wall must be deemed to be directly of concern to the United Nations.  The responsibility of the United Nations in this matter also has its origin in the Mandate and the Partition Resolution concerning Palestine (see paragraphs 70 and 71 below).  This responsibility has been described by the General Assembly as “a permanent responsibility towards the question of Palestine until the question is resolved in all its aspects in a satisfactory manner in accordance with international legitimacy” (General Assembly resolution 57/107 of 3 December 2002).  Within the institutional framework of the Organization, this responsibility has been manifested by the adoption of many Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, and by the creation of several subsidiary bodies specifically established to assist in the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.  

50. The object of the request before the Court is to obtain from the Court an opinion which the General Assembly deems of assistance to it for the proper exercise of its functions.  The opinion is requested on a question which is of particularly acute concern to the United Nations, and one which is located in a much broader frame of reference than a bilateral dispute.  In the circumstances, the Court does not consider that to give an opinion would have the effect of circumventing the principle of consent to judicial settlement, and the Court accordingly cannot, in the exercise of its discretion, decline to give an opinion on that ground.

*

51. The Court now turns to another argument raised in the present proceedings in support of the view that it should decline to exercise its jurisdiction.  Some participants have argued that an advisory opinion from the Court on the legality of the wall and the legal consequences of its construction could impede a political, negotiated solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  More particularly, it has been contended that such an opinion could undermine the scheme of the “Roadmap” (see paragraph 22 above), which requires Israel and Palestine to comply with certain obligations in various phases referred to therein.  The requested opinion, it has been alleged, could complicate the negotiations envisaged in the “Roadmap”, and the Court should therefore exercise its discretion and decline to reply to the question put.

This is a submission of a kind which the Court has already had to consider several times in the past.  For instance, in its Advisory opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, the Court stated:

“It has . . . been submitted that a reply from the Court in this case might adversely affect disarmament negotiations and would, therefore, be contrary to the interest of the United Nations.  The Court is aware that, no matter what might be its conclusions in any opinion it might give, they would have relevance for the continuing debate on the matter in the General Assembly and would present an additional element in the negotiations on the matter.  Beyond that, the effect of the opinion is a matter of appreciation.  The Court has heard contrary positions advanced and there are no evident criteria by which it can prefer one assessment to another.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 237, para. 17;  see also Western Sahara, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 37, para. 73.)

52. One participant in the present proceedings has indicated that the Court, if it were to give a response to the request, should in any event do so keeping in mind

“two key aspects of the peace process:  the fundamental principle that permanent status issues must be resolved through negotiations;  and the need during the interim period for the parties to fulfill their security responsibilities so that the peace process can succeed”.

53. The Court is conscious that the “Roadmap”, which was endorsed by the Security Council in resolution 1515 (2003) (see paragraph 22 above), constitutes a negotiating framework for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  It is not clear, however, what influence the Court’s opinion might have on those negotiations:  participants in the present proceedings have expressed differing views in this regard.  The Court cannot regard this factor as a compelling reason to decline to exercise its jurisdiction.

54. It was also put to the Court by certain participants that the question of the construction of the wall was only one aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which could not be properly addressed in the present proceedings.  The Court does not however consider this a reason for it to decline to reply to the question asked.  The Court is indeed aware that the question of the wall is part of a greater whole, and it would take this circumstance carefully into account in any opinion it might give.  At the same time, the question that the General Assembly has chosen to ask of the Court is confined to the legal consequences of the construction of the wall, and the Court would only examine other issues to the extent that they might be necessary to its consideration of the question put to it.

*

55. Several participants in the proceedings have raised the further argument that the Court should decline to exercise its jurisdiction because it does not have at its disposal the requisite facts and evidence to enable it to reach its conclusions.  In particular, Israel has contended, referring to the Advisory Opinion on the Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, that the Court could not give an opinion on issues which raise questions of fact that cannot be elucidated without hearing all parties to the conflict.  According to Israel, if the Court decided to give the requested opinion, it would be forced to speculate about essential facts and make assumptions about arguments of law.  More specifically, Israel has argued that the Court could not rule on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall without enquiring, first, into the nature and scope of the security threat to which the wall is intended to respond and the effectiveness of that response, and, second, into the impact of the construction for the Palestinians.  This task, which would already be difficult in a contentious case, would be further complicated in an advisory proceeding, particularly since Israel alone possesses much of the necessary information and has stated that it chooses not to address the merits.  Israel has concluded that the Court, confronted with factual issues impossible to clarify in the present proceedings, should use its discretion and decline to comply with the request for an advisory opinion.

56. The Court observes that the question whether the evidence available to it is sufficient to give an advisory opinion must be decided in each particular instance.  In its Opinion concerning the Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania (I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 72) and again in its Opinion on the Western Sahara, the Court made it clear that what is decisive in these circumstances is “whether the Court has before it sufficient information and evidence to enable it to arrive at a judicial conclusion upon any disputed questions of fact the determination of which is necessary for it to give an opinion in conditions compatible with its judicial character” (Western Sahara, I.C.J. Reports 1975, pp. 28-29, para. 46).  Thus, for instance, in the proceedings concerning the Status of Eastern Carelia, the Permanent Court of International Justice decided to decline to give an Opinion inter alia because the question put “raised a question of fact which could not be elucidated without hearing both parties” (Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 72;  see Status of Eastern Carelia, P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 5, p. 28).  On the other hand, in the Western Sahara Opinion, the Court observed that it had been provided with very extensive documentary evidence of the relevant facts (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 29, para. 47).

57. In the present instance, the Court has at its disposal the report of the Secretary-General, as well as a voluminous dossier submitted by him to the Court, comprising not only detailed information on the route of the wall but also on its humanitarian and socio-economic impact on the Palestinian population.  The dossier includes several reports based on on-site visits by special rapporteurs and competent organs of the United Nations.  The Secretary-General has further submitted to the Court a written statement updating his report, which supplemented the information contained therein.  Moreover, numerous other participants have submitted to the Court written statements which contain information relevant to a response to the question put by the General Assembly.  The Court notes in particular that Israel’s Written Statement, although limited to issues of jurisdiction and judicial propriety, contained observations on other matters, including Israel’s concerns in terms of security, and was accompanied by corresponding annexes;  many other documents issued by the Israeli Government on those matters are in the public domain.

58. The Court finds that it has before it sufficient information and evidence to enable it to give the advisory opinion requested by the General Assembly.  Moreover, the circumstance that others may evaluate and interpret these facts in a subjective or political manner can be no argument for a court of law to abdicate its judicial task.  There is therefore in the present case no lack of information such as to constitute a compelling reason for the Court to decline to give the requested opinion.

*

59. In their written statements, some participants have also put forward the argument that the Court should decline to give the requested opinion on the legal consequences of the construction of the wall because such opinion would lack any useful purpose.  They have argued that the advisory opinions of the Court are to be seen as a means to enable an organ or agency in need of legal clarification for its future action to obtain that clarification.  In the present instance, the argument continues, the General Assembly would not need an opinion of the Court because it has already declared the construction of the wall to be illegal and has already determined the legal consequences by demanding that Israel stop and reverse its construction, and further, because the General Assembly has never made it clear how it intended to use the opinion.

60. As is clear from the Court’s jurisprudence, advisory opinions have the purpose of furnishing to the requesting organs the elements of law necessary for them in their action.  In its Opinion concerning Reservations to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Court observed:  “The object of this request for an Opinion is to guide the United Nations in respect of its own action.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1951, p. 19.)  Likewise, in its Opinion on the Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), the Court noted:  “The request is put forward by a United Nations organ with reference to its own decisions and it seeks legal advice from the Court on the consequences and implications of these decisions.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 24, para. 32.)  The Court found on another occasion that the advisory opinion it was to give would “furnish the General Assembly with elements of a legal character relevant to its further treatment of the decolonization of Western Sahara” (Western Sahara, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 37, para. 72).

61. With regard to the argument that the General Assembly has not made it clear what use it would make of an advisory opinion on the wall, the Court would recall, as equally relevant in the present proceedings, what it stated in its Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons:

“Certain States have observed that the General Assembly has not explained to the Court for what precise purposes it seeks the advisory opinion.  Nevertheless, it is not for the Court itself to purport to decide whether or not an advisory opinion is needed by the Assembly for the performance of its functions.  The General Assembly has the right to decide for itself on the usefulness of an opinion in the light of its own needs.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 237, para. 16.)

62. It follows that the Court cannot decline to answer the question posed based on the ground that its opinion would lack any useful purpose.  The Court cannot substitute its assessment of the usefulness of the opinion requested for that of the organ that seeks such opinion, namely the General Assembly.  Furthermore, and in any event, the Court considers that the General Assembly has not yet determined all the possible consequences of its own resolution.  The Court’s task would be to determine in a comprehensive manner the legal consequences of the construction of the wall, while the General Assembly  and the Security Council  may then draw conclusions from the Court’s findings.

*

63. Lastly, the Court will turn to another argument advanced with regard to the propriety of its giving an advisory opinion in the present proceedings.  Israel has contended that Palestine, given its responsibility for acts of violence against Israel and its population which the wall is aimed at addressing, cannot seek from the Court a remedy for a situation resulting from its own wrongdoing.  In this context, Israel has invoked the maxim nullus commodum capere potest de sua injuria propria, which it considers to be as relevant in advisory proceedings as it is in contentious cases.  Therefore, Israel concludes, good faith and the principle of “clean hands” provide a compelling reason that should lead the Court to refuse the General Assembly’s request.

64. The Court does not consider  this argument to be pertinent.  As was emphasized earlier, it was the General Assembly which requested the advisory opinion, and the opinion is to be given to the General Assembly, and not to a specific State or entity.

*        *

65. In the light of the foregoing, the Court concludes not only that it has jurisdiction to give an opinion on the question put to it by the General Assembly (see paragraph 42 above), but also that there is no compelling reason for it to use its discretionary power not to give that opinion.  

*

*         *

66. The Court will now address the question put to it by the General Assembly in resolution ES-10/14.  The Court recalls that the question is as follows:

“What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the report of the Secretary-General, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions?”

67. As explained in paragraph 82 below, the “wall” in question is a complex construction, so that that term cannot be understood in a limited physical sense.  However, the other terms used, either by Israel (“fence”) or by the Secretary-General (“barrier”), are no more accurate if understood in the physical sense.  In this Opinion, the Court has therefore chosen to use the terminology employed by the General Assembly.

The Court notes furthermore that the request of the General Assembly concerns the legal consequences of the wall being built “in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem”.  As also explained below (see paragraphs 79-84 below), some parts of the complex are being built, or are planned to be built, on the territory of Israel itself;  the Court does not consider that it is called upon to examine the legal consequences arising from the construction of those parts of the wall.

68. The question put by the General Assembly concerns the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  However, in order to indicate those consequences to the General Assembly the Court must first determine whether or not the construction of that wall breaches international law (see paragraph 39 above).  It will therefore make this determination before dealing with the consequences of the construction.

69. To do so, the Court will first make a brief analysis of the status of the territory concerned, and will then describe the works already constructed or in course of construction in that territory.  It will then indicate the applicable law before seeking to establish whether that law has been breached.

*        *

70. Palestine was part of the Ottoman Empire.  At the end of the First World War, a class “A” Mandate for Palestine was entrusted to Great Britain by the League of Nations, pursuant to paragraph 4 of Article 22 of the Covenant, which provided that:

“Certain communities, formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone.”

The Court recalls that in its Advisory Opinion on the International Status of South West Africa, speaking of mandates in general, it observed that “The Mandate was created, in the interest of the inhabitants of the territory, and of humanity in general, as an international institution with an international object  a sacred trust of civilization.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 132.)  The Court also held in this regard that “two principles were considered to be of paramount importance:  the principle of non-annexation and the principle that the well-being and development of . . . peoples [not yet able to govern themselves] form[ed] ‘a sacred trust of civilization’” (ibid., p. 131).  

The territorial boundaries of the Mandate for Palestine were laid down by various instruments, in particular on the eastern border by a British memorandum of 16 September 1922 and an Anglo-Transjordanian Treaty of 20 February 1928.

71. In 1947 the United Kingdom announced its intention to complete evacuation of the mandated territory by 1 August 1948, subsequently advancing that date to 15 May 1948.  In the meantime, the General Assembly had on 29 November 1947 adopted resolution 181 (II) on the future government of Palestine, which “Recommends to the United Kingdom . . . and to all other Members of the United Nations the adoption and implementation . . . of the Plan of Partition” of the territory, as set forth in the resolution, between two independent States, one Arab, the other Jewish, as well as the creation of a special international régime for the City of Jerusalem.  The Arab population of Palestine and the Arab States rejected this plan, contending that it was unbalanced;  on 14 May 1948, Israel proclaimed its independence on the strength of the General Assembly resolution;  armed conflict then broke out between Israel and a number of Arab States and the Plan of Partition was not implemented.

72. By resolution 62 (1948) of 16 November 1948, the Security Council decided that “an armistice shall be established in all sectors of Palestine” and called upon the parties directly involved in the conflict to seek agreement to this end.  In conformity with this decision, general armistice agreements were concluded in 1949 between Israel and the neighbouring States through mediation by the United Nations.  In particular, one such agreement was signed in Rhodes on 3 April 1949 between Israel and Jordan.  Articles V and VI of that Agreement fixed the armistice demarcation line between Israeli and Arab forces (often later called the “Green Line” owing to the colour used for it on maps; hereinafter the “Green Line”).  Article III, paragraph 2, provided that “No element of the . . . military or para-military forces of either Party . . . shall advance beyond or pass over for any purpose whatsoever the Armistice Demarcation Lines . . .”  It was agreed in Article VI, paragraph 8, that these provisions would not be “interpreted as prejudicing, in any sense, an ultimate political settlement between the Parties”.  It was also stated that “the Armistice Demarcation Lines defined in articles V and VI of [the] Agreement [were] agreed upon by the Parties without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines or to claims of either Party relating thereto”.  The Demarcation Line was subject to such rectification as might be agreed upon by the parties.

73. In the 1967 armed conflict, Israeli forces occupied all the territories which had constituted Palestine under British Mandate (including those known as the West Bank, lying to the east of the Green Line).

74. On 22 November 1967, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 242 (1967), which emphasized the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by war and called for the “Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict”, and “Termination of all claims or states of belligerency”.

75. From 1967 onwards, Israel took a number of measures in these territories aimed at changing the status of the City of Jerusalem.  The Security Council, after recalling on a number of occasions “the principle that acquisition of territory by military conquest is inadmissible”, condemned those measures and, by resolution 298 (1971) of 25 September 1971, confirmed in the clearest possible terms that:

“all legislative and administrative actions taken by Israel to change the status of the City of Jerusalem, including expropriation of land and properties, transfer of populations and legislation aimed at the incorporation of the occupied section, are totally invalid and cannot change that status”.

Later, following the adoption by Israel on 30 July 1980 of the Basic Law making Jerusalem the “complete and united” capital of Israel, the Security Council, by resolution 478 (1980) of 20 August 1980, stated that the enactment of that Law constituted a violation of international law and that “all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, which have altered or purport to alter the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem . . . are null and void”.  It further decided “not to recognize the ‘basic law’ and such other actions by Israel that, as a result of this law, seek to alter the character and status of Jerusalem”.

76. Subsequently, a peace treaty was signed on 26 October 1994 between Israel and Jordan.  That treaty fixed the boundary between the two States “with reference to the boundary definition under the Mandate as is shown in Annex I (a) . . . without prejudice to the status of any territories that came under Israeli military government control in 1967” (Article 3, paragraphs 1 and 2).  Annex I provided the corresponding maps and added that, with regard to the “territory that came under Israeli military government control in 1967”, the line indicated “is the administrative boundary” with Jordan.

77. Lastly, a number of agreements have been signed since 1993 between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization imposing various obligations on each party.  Those agreements inter alia required Israel to transfer to Palestinian authorities certain powers and responsibilities exercised in the Occupied Palestinian Territory by its military authorities and civil administration.  Such transfers have taken place, but, as a result of subsequent events, they remained partial and limited.  

78. The Court would observe that, under customary international law as reflected (see paragraph 89 below) in Article 42 of the Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land annexed to the Fourth Hague Convention of 18 October 1907 (hereinafter “the Hague Regulations of 1907”), territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army, and the occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised.

The territories situated between the Green Line (see paragraph 72 above) and the former eastern boundary of Palestine under the Mandate were occupied by Israel in 1967 during the armed conflict between Israel and Jordan.  Under customary international law, these were therefore occupied territories in which Israel had the status of occupying Power.  Subsequent events in these territories, as described in paragraphs 75 to 77 above, have done nothing to alter this situation.  All these territories (including East Jerusalem) remain occupied territories and Israel has continued to have the status of occupying Power.  

*

79. It is essentially in these territories that Israel has constructed or plans to construct the works described in the report of the Secretary-General.  The Court will now describe those works, basing itself on that report.  For developments subsequent to the publication of that report, the Court will refer to complementary information contained in the Written Statement of the United Nations, which was intended by the Secretary-General to supplement his report (hereinafter “Written Statement of the Secretary-General”).

80. The report of the Secretary-General states that “The Government of Israel has since 1996 considered plans to halt infiltration into Israel from the central and northern West Bank . . .”  (Para. 4.)  According to that report, a plan of this type was approved for the first time by the Israeli Cabinet in July 2001.  Then, on 14 April 2002, the Cabinet adopted a decision for the construction of works, forming what Israel describes as a “security fence”, 80 kilometres in length, in three areas of the West Bank.

The project was taken a stage further when, on 23 June 2002, the Israeli Cabinet approved the first phase of the construction of a “continuous fence” in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem).  On 14 August 2002, it adopted the line of that “fence” for the work in Phase A, with a view to the construction of a complex 123 kilometres long in the northern West Bank, running from the Salem checkpoint (north of Jenin) to the settlement at Elkana.  Phase B of the work was approved in December 2002.  It entailed a stretch of some 40 kilometres running east from the Salem checkpoint towards Beth Shean along the northern part of the Green Line as far as the Jordan Valley.  Furthermore, on 1 October 2003, the Israeli Cabinet approved a full route, which, according to the report of the Secretary-General, “will form one continuous line stretching 720 kilometres along the West Bank”.  A map showing completed and planned sections was posted on the Israeli Ministry of Defence website on 23 October 2003.  According to the particulars provided on that map, a continuous section (Phase C) encompassing a number of large settlements will link the north-western end of the “security fence” built around Jerusalem with the southern point of Phase A construction at Elkana.  According to the same map, the “security fence” will run for 115 kilometres from the Har Gilo settlement near Jerusalem to the Carmel settlement south-east of Hebron (Phase D).  According to Ministry of Defence documents, work in this sector is due for completion in 2005.  Lastly, there are references in the case file to Israel’s planned construction of a “security fence” following the Jordan Valley along the mountain range to the west.

81. According to the Written Statement of the Secretary-General, the first part of these works (Phase A), which ultimately extends for a distance of 150 kilometres, was declared completed on 31 July 2003.  It is reported that approximately 56,000 Palestinians would be encompassed in enclaves.  During this phase, two sections totalling 19.5 kilometres were built around Jerusalem.  In November 2003 construction of a new section was begun along the Green Line to the west of the Nazlat Issa-Baqa al-Sharqiya enclave, which in January 2004 was close to completion at the time when the Secretary-General submitted his Written Statement.

According to the Written Statement of the Secretary-General, the works carried out under Phase B were still in progress in January 2004.  Thus an initial section of this stretch, which runs near or on the Green Line to the village of al-Mutilla, was almost complete in January 2004.  Two additional sections diverge at this point.  Construction started in early January 2004 on one section that runs due east as far as the Jordanian border.  Construction of the second section, which is planned to run from the Green Line to the village of Taysir, has barely begun.  The United Nations has, however, been informed that this second section might not be built.

The Written Statement of the Secretary-General further states that Phase C of the work, which runs from the terminus of Phase A, near the Elkana settlement, to the village of Nu’man, south-east of Jerusalem, began in December 2003.  This section is divided into three stages.  In Stage C1, between inter alia the villages of Rantis and Budrus, approximately 4 kilometres out of a planned total of 40 kilometres have been constructed.  Stage C2, which will surround the so-called “Ariel Salient” by cutting 22 kilometres into the West Bank, will incorporate 52,000 Israeli settlers.  Stage C3 is to involve the construction of two “depth barriers”;  one of these is to run north-south, roughly parallel with the section of Stage C1 currently under construction between Rantis and Budrus, whilst the other runs east-west along a ridge said to be part of the route of Highway 45, a motorway under construction.  If construction of the two barriers were completed, two enclaves would be formed, encompassing 72,000 Palestinians in 24 communities.

Further construction also started in late November 2003 along the south-eastern part of the municipal boundary of Jerusalem, following a route that, according to the Written Statement of the Secretary-General, cuts off the suburban village of El-Ezariya from Jerusalem and splits the neighbouring Abu Dis in two.

As at 25 January 2004, according to the Written Statement of the Secretary-General, some 190 kilometres of construction had been completed, covering Phase A and the greater part of Phase B.  Further construction in Phase C had begun in certain areas of the central West Bank and in Jerusalem.  Phase D, planned for the southern part of the West Bank, had not yet begun.

The Israeli Government has explained that the routes and timetable as described above are subject to modification.  In February 2004, for example, an 8-kilometre section near the town of Baqa al-Sharqiya was demolished, and the planned length of the wall appears to have been slightly reduced.  

82. According to the description in the report and the Written Statement of the Secretary-General, the works planned or completed have resulted or will result in a complex consisting essentially of:

(1) a fence with electronic sensors;

(2) a ditch (up to 4 metres deep);

(3) a two-lane asphalt patrol road;

(4) a trace road (a strip of sand smoothed to detect footprints) running parallel to the fence;

(5) a stack of six coils of barbed wire marking the perimeter of the complex.

The complex has a width of 50 to 70 metres, increasing to as much as 100 metres in some places.  “Depth barriers” may be added to these works.

The approximately 180 kilometres of the complex completed or under construction as of the time when the Secretary-General submitted his report included some 8.5 kilometres of concrete wall.  These are generally found where Palestinian population centres are close to or abut Israel (such as near Qalqiliya and Tulkarm or in parts of Jerusalem).

83. According to the report of the Secretary-General, in its northernmost part, the wall as completed or under construction barely deviates from the Green Line.  It nevertheless lies within occupied territories for most of its course.  The works deviate more than 7.5 kilometres from the Green Line in certain places to encompass settlements, while encircling Palestinian population areas.  A stretch of 1 to 2 kilometres west of Tulkarm appears to run on the Israeli side of the Green Line.  Elsewhere, on the other hand, the planned route would deviate eastward by up to 22 kilometres.  In the case of Jerusalem, the existing works and the planned route lie well beyond the Green Line and even in some cases beyond the eastern municipal boundary of Jerusalem as fixed by Israel.

84. On the basis of that route, approximately 975 square kilometres (or 16.6 per cent of the West Bank) would, according to the report of the Secretary-General, lie between the Green Line and the wall.  This area is stated to be home to 237,000 Palestinians.  If the full wall were completed as planned, another 160,000 Palestinians would live in almost completely encircled communities, described as enclaves in the report.  As a result of the planned route, nearly 320,000 Israeli settlers (of whom 178,000 in East Jerusalem) would be living in the area between the Green Line and the wall.

85. Lastly, it should be noted that the construction of the wall has been accompanied by the creation of a new administrative régime.  Thus in October 2003 the Israeli Defence Forces issued Orders establishing the part of the West Bank lying between the Green Line and the wall as a “Closed Area”.  Residents of this area may no longer remain in it, nor may non-residents enter it, unless holding a permit or identity card issued by the Israeli authorities.  According to the report of the Secretary-General, most residents have received permits for a limited period.  Israeli citizens, Israeli permanent residents and those eligible to immigrate to Israel in accordance with the Law of Return may remain in, or move freely to, from and within the Closed Area without a permit.  Access to and exit from the Closed Area can only be made through access gates, which are opened infrequently and for short periods.

*        *

86. The Court will now determine the rules and principles of international law which are relevant in assessing the legality of the measures taken by Israel.  Such rules and principles can be found in the United Nations Charter and certain other treaties, in customary international law and in the relevant resolutions adopted pursuant to the Charter by the General Assembly and the Security Council.  However, doubts have been expressed by Israel as to the applicability in the Occupied Palestinian Territory of certain rules of international humanitarian law and human rights instruments.  The Court will now consider these various questions.

87. The Court first recalls that, pursuant to Article 2, paragraph 4, of the United Nations Charter:

“All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.”

On 24 October 1970, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2625 (XXV), entitled “Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States” (hereinafter “resolution 2625 (XXV)”), in which it emphasized that “No territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force shall be recognized as legal.”  As the Court stated in its Judgment in the case concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), the principles as to the use of force incorporated in the Charter reflect customary international law (see I.C.J. Reports 1986, pp. 98-101, paras. 187-190);  the same is true of its corollary entailing the illegality of territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force.

88. The Court also notes that the principle of self-determination of peoples has been enshrined in the United Nations Charter and reaffirmed by the General Assembly in resolution 2625 (XXV) cited above, pursuant to which “Every State has the duty to refrain from any forcible action which deprives peoples referred to [in that resolution] . . . of their right to self-determination.”  Article 1 common to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights reaffirms the right of all peoples to self-determination, and lays upon the States parties the obligation to promote the realization of that right and to respect it, in conformity with the provisions of the United Nations Charter.

The Court would recall that in 1971 it emphasized that current developments in “international law in regard to non-self-governing territories, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, made the principle of self-determination applicable to all [such territories]”.  The Court went on to state that “These developments leave little doubt that the ultimate objective of the sacred trust” referred to in Article 22, paragraph 1, of the Covenant of the League of Nations “was the self-determination . . . of the peoples concerned” (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 31, paras. 52-53).  The Court has referred to this principle on a number of occasions in its jurisprudence (ibid.;  see also Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 68, para. 162).  The Court indeed made it clear that the right of peoples to self-determination is today a right erga omnes (see East Timor (Portugal v. Australia), Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1995, p. 102, para. 29).

89. As regards international humanitarian law, the Court would first note that Israel is not a party to the Fourth Hague Convention of 1907, to which the Hague Regulations are annexed.  The Court observes that, in the words of the Convention, those Regulations were prepared “to revise the general laws and customs of war” existing at that time.  Since then, however, the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg has found that the “rules laid down in the Convention were recognised by all civilised nations, and were regarded as being declaratory of the laws and customs of war” (Judgment of the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, 30 September and 1 October 1946, p. 65).  The Court itself reached the same conclusion when examining the rights and duties of belligerents in their conduct of military operations (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 256, para. 75).  The Court considers that the provisions of the Hague Regulations have become part of customary law, as is in fact recognized by all the participants in the proceedings before the Court.

The Court also observes that, pursuant to Article 154 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, that Convention is supplementary to Sections II and III of the Hague Regulations.  Section III of those Regulations, which concerns “Military authority over the territory of the hostile State”, is particularly pertinent in the present case.

90. Secondly, with regard to the Fourth Geneva Convention, differing views have been expressed by the participants in these proceedings.  Israel, contrary to the great majority of the other participants, disputes the applicability de jure of the Convention to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  In particular, in paragraph 3 of Annex I to the report of the Secretary-General, entitled “Summary Legal Position of the Government of Israel”, it is stated that Israel does not agree that the Fourth Geneva Convention “is applicable to the occupied Palestinian Territory”, citing “the lack of recognition of the territory as sovereign prior to its annexation by Jordan and Egypt” and inferring that it is “not a territory of a High Contracting Party as required by the Convention”.

91. The Court would recall that the Fourth Geneva Convention was ratified by Israel on 6 July 1951 and that Israel is a party to that Convention.  Jordan has also been a party thereto since 29 May 1951.  Neither of the two States has made any reservation that would be pertinent to the present proceedings.

Furthermore, Palestine gave a unilateral undertaking, by declaration of 7 June 1982, to apply the Fourth Geneva Convention.  Switzerland, as depositary State, considered that unilateral undertaking valid.  It concluded, however, that it “[was] not  as a depositary  in a position to decide whether” “the request [dated 14 June 1989] from the Palestine Liberation Movement in the name of the ‘State of Palestine’ to accede” inter alia to the Fourth Geneva Convention “can be considered as an instrument of accession”.

92. Moreover, for the purpose of determining the scope of application of the Fourth Geneva Convention, it should be recalled that under common Article 2 of the four Conventions of 12 August 1949:

“In addition to the provisions which shall be implemented in peacetime, the present Convention shall apply to all cases of declared war or of any other armed conflict which may arise between two or more of the High Contracting Parties, even if the state of war is not recognized by one of them.

The Convention shall also apply to all cases of partial or total occupation of the territory of a High Contracting Party, even if the said occupation meets with no armed resistance.

Although one of the Powers in conflict may not be a party to the present Convention, the Powers who are parties thereto shall remain bound by it in their mutual relations.  They shall furthermore be bound by the Convention in relation to the said Power, if the latter accepts and applies the provisions thereof.”

93. After the occupation of the West Bank in 1967, the Israeli authorities issued an order No. 3 stating in its Article 35 that:

“the Military Court . . . must apply the provisions of the Geneva Convention dated 12 August 1949 relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War with respect to judicial procedures.  In case of conflict between this Order and the said Convention, the Convention shall prevail.”  

Subsequently, the Israeli authorities have indicated on a number of occasions that in fact they generally apply the humanitarian provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention within the occupied territories.  However, according to Israel’s position as briefly recalled in paragraph 90 above, that Convention is not applicable de jure within those territories because, under Article 2, paragraph 2, it applies only in the case of occupation of territories falling under the sovereignty of a High Contracting Party involved in an armed conflict.  Israel explains that Jordan was admittedly a party to the Fourth Geneva Convention in 1967, and that an armed conflict broke out at that time between Israel and Jordan, but it goes on to observe that the territories occupied by Israel subsequent to that conflict had not previously fallen under Jordanian sovereignty.  It infers from this that that Convention is not applicable de jure in those territories.  According however to the great majority of other participants in the proceedings, the Fourth Geneva Convention is applicable to those territories pursuant to Article 2, paragraph 1, whether or not Jordan had any rights in respect thereof prior to 1967.

94. The Court would recall that, according to customary international law as expressed in Article 31 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 23 May 1969, a treaty must be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to its terms in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.  Article 32 provides that:

“Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation, including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to confirm the meaning resulting from the application of article 31, or to determine the meaning when the interpretation according to article 31 . . . leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure;  or . . . leads to a result which is manifestly obscure or unreasonable.”  (See Oil Platforms (Islamic Republic of Iran v. United States of America), Preliminary Objections, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (II), p. 812, para. 23;  see, similarly, Kasikili/Sedudu Island (Botswana/Namibia), I.C.J. Reports 1999 (II), p. 1059, para. 18, and Sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia/Malaysia), Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 2002, p. 645, para. 37.)

95. The Court notes that, according to the first paragraph of Article 2 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, that Convention is applicable when two conditions are fulfilled:  that there exists an armed conflict (whether or not a state of war has been recognized);  and that the conflict has arisen between two contracting parties.  If those two conditions are satisfied, the Convention applies, in particular, in any territory occupied in the course of the conflict by one of the contracting parties.

The object of the second paragraph of Article 2 is not to restrict the scope of application of the Convention, as defined by the first paragraph, by excluding therefrom territories not falling under the sovereignty of one of the contracting parties.  It is directed simply to making it clear that, even if occupation effected during the conflict met no armed resistance, the Convention is still applicable.

This interpretation reflects the intention of the drafters of the Fourth Geneva Convention to protect civilians who find themselves, in whatever way, in the hands of the occupying Power.  Whilst the drafters of the Hague Regulations of 1907 were as much concerned with protecting the rights of a State whose territory is occupied, as with protecting the inhabitants of that territory, the drafters of the Fourth Geneva Convention sought to guarantee the protection of civilians in time of war, regardless of the status of the occupied territories, as is shown by Article 47 of the Convention.

That interpretation is confirmed by the Convention’s travaux préparatoires. The Conference of Government Experts convened by the International Committee of the Red Cross (hereinafter, “ICRC”) in the aftermath of the Second World War for the purpose of preparing the new Geneva Conventions recommended that these conventions be applicable to any armed conflict “whether [it] is or is not recognized as a state of war by the parties” and “in cases of occupation of territories in the absence of any state of war” (Report on the Work of the Conference of Government Experts for the Study of the Conventions for the Protection of War Victims, Geneva, 14-26 April 1947, p. 8).  The drafters of the second paragraph of Article 2 thus had no intention, when they inserted that paragraph into the Convention, of restricting the latter’s scope of application.  They were merely seeking to provide for cases of occupation without combat, such as the occupation of Bohemia and Moravia by Germany in 1939.  

96. The Court would moreover note that the States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention approved that interpretation at their Conference on 15 July 1999.  They issued a statement in which they “reaffirmed the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem”.  Subsequently, on 5 December 2001, the High Contracting Parties, referring in particular to Article 1 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, once again reaffirmed the “applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem”.  They further reminded the Contracting Parties participating in the Conference, the parties to the conflict, and the State of Israel as occupying Power, of their respective obligations.

97. Moreover, the Court would observe that the ICRC, whose special position with respect to execution of the Fourth Geneva Convention must be “recognized and respected at all times” by the parties pursuant to Article 142 of the Convention, has also expressed its opinion on the interpretation to be given to the Convention.  In a declaration of 5 December 2001, it recalled that “the ICRC has always affirmed the de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to the territories occupied since 1967 by the State of Israel, including East Jerusalem”.

98. The Court notes that the General Assembly has, in many of its resolutions, taken a position to the same effect.  Thus on 10 December 2001 and 9 December 2003, in resolutions 56/60 and 58/97, it reaffirmed “that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967”.

99. The Security Council, for its part, had already on 14 June 1967 taken the view in resolution 237 (1967) that “all the obligations of the Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War . . . should be complied with by the parties involved in the conflict”.  Subsequently, on 15 September 1969, the Security Council, in resolution 271 (1969), called upon “Israel scrupulously to observe the provisions of the Geneva Conventions and international law governing military occupation”.  

Ten years later, the Security Council examined “the policy and practices of Israel in establishing settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967”.  In resolution 446 (1979) of 22 March 1979, the Security Council considered that those settlements had “no legal validity” and affirmed “once more that the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, is applicable to the Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem”.  It called “once more upon Israel, as the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously” by that Convention.

On 20 December 1990, the Security Council, in resolution 681 (1990), urged “the Government of Israel to accept the de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention . . . to all the territories occupied by Israel since 1967 and to abide scrupulously by the provisions of the Convention”.  It further called upon “the high contracting parties to the said Fourth Geneva Convention to ensure respect by Israel, the occupying Power, for its obligations under the Convention in accordance with article 1 thereof”.

Lastly, in resolutions 799 (1992) of 18 December 1992 and 904 (1994) of 18 March 1994, the Security Council reaffirmed its position concerning the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention in the occupied territories.

100. The Court would note finally that the Supreme Court of Israel, in a judgment dated 30 May 2004, also found that:

“The military operations of the [Israeli Defence Forces] in Rafah, to the extent they affect civilians, are governed by Hague Convention IV Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land 1907 . . . and the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War 1949.”

101. In view of the foregoing, the Court considers that the Fourth Geneva Convention is applicable in any occupied territory in the event of an armed conflict arising between two or more High Contracting Parties.  Israel and Jordan were parties to that Convention when the 1967 armed conflict broke out.  The Court accordingly finds that that Convention is applicable in the Palestinian territories which before the conflict lay to the east of the Green Line and which, during that conflict, were occupied by Israel, there being no need for any enquiry into the precise prior status of those territories.

*

102. The participants in the proceedings before the Court also disagree whether the international human rights conventions to which Israel is party apply within the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  Annex I to the report of the Secretary-General states:

“4. Israel denies that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both of which it has signed, are applicable to the occupied Palestinian territory.  It asserts that humanitarian law is the protection granted in a conflict situation such as the one in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, whereas human rights treaties were intended for the protection of citizens from their own Government in times of peace.”

Of the other participants in the proceedings, those who addressed this issue contend that, on the contrary, both Covenants are applicable within the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

103. On 3 October 1991 Israel ratified both the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 19 December 1966 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of the same date, as well as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 20 November 1989.  It is a party to these three instruments.

104. In order to determine whether these texts are applicable in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Court will first address the issue of the relationship between international humanitarian law and human rights law and then that of the applicability of human rights instruments outside national territory.

105. In its Advisory Opinion of 8 July 1996 on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, the Court had occasion to address the first of these issues in relation to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  In those proceedings certain States had argued that “the Covenant was directed to the protection of human rights in peacetime, but that questions relating to unlawful loss of life in hostilities were governed by the law applicable in armed conflict” (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 239, para. 24).

The Court rejected this argument, stating that:

“the protection of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights does not cease in times of war, except by operation of Article 4 of the Covenant whereby certain provisions may be derogated from in a time of national emergency.  Respect for the right to life is not, however, such a provision.  In principle, the right not arbitrarily to be deprived of one’s life applies also in hostilities.  The test of what is an arbitrary deprivation of life, however, then falls to be determined by the applicable lex specialis, namely, the law applicable in armed conflict which is designed to regulate the conduct of hostilities.”  (Ibid., p. 240, para. 25.)

106. More generally, the Court considers that the protection offered by human rights conventions does not cease in case of armed conflict, save through the effect of provisions for derogation of the kind to be found in Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  As regards the relationship between international humanitarian law and human rights law, there are thus three possible situations:  some rights may be exclusively matters of international humanitarian law;  others may be exclusively matters of human rights law;  yet others may be matters of both these branches of international law.  In order to answer the question put to it, the Court will have to take into consideration both these branches of international law, namely human rights law and, as lex specialis, international humanitarian law.

107. It remains to be determined whether the two international Covenants and the Convention on the Rights of the Child are applicable only on the territories of the States parties thereto or whether they are also applicable outside those territories and, if so, in what circumstances.

108. The scope of application of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is defined by Article 2, paragraph 1, thereof, which provides:  

“Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

This provision can be interpreted as covering only individuals who are both present within a State’s territory and subject to that State’s jurisdiction.  It can also be construed as covering both individuals present within a State’s territory and those outside that territory but subject to that State’s jurisdiction.  The Court will thus seek to determine the meaning to be given to this text.

109. The Court would observe that, while the jurisdiction of States is primarily territorial, it may sometimes be exercised outside the national territory.  Considering the object and purpose of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, it would seem natural that, even when such is the case, States parties to the Covenant should be bound to comply with its provisions.

The constant practice of the Human Rights Committee is consistent with this. Thus, the Committee has found the Covenant applicable where the State exercises its jurisdiction on foreign territory.  It has ruled on the legality of acts by Uruguay in cases of arrests carried out by Uruguayan agents in Brazil or Argentina (case No. 52/79, López Burgos v. Uruguay;  case No. 56/79, Lilian Celiberti de Casariego v. Uruguay).  It decided to the same effect in the case of the confiscation of a passport by a Uruguayan consulate in Germany (case No. 106/81, Montero v. Uruguay).

The travaux préparatoires of the Covenant confirm the Committee’s interpretation of Article 2 of that instrument.  These show that, in adopting the wording chosen, the drafters of the Covenant did not intend to allow States to escape from their obligations when they exercise jurisdiction outside their national territory.  They only intended to prevent persons residing abroad from asserting, vis-à-vis their State of origin, rights that do not fall within the competence of that State, but of that of the State of residence (see the discussion of the preliminary draft in the Commission on Human Rights, E/CN.4/SR.194, para. 46;  and United Nations, Official Records of the General Assembly, Tenth Session, Annexes, A/2929, Part II, Chap. V, para. 4 (1955)).

110. The Court takes note in this connection of the position taken by Israel, in relation to the applicability of the Covenant, in its communications to the Human Rights Committee, and of the view of the Committee.

In 1998, Israel stated that, when preparing its report to the Committee, it had had to face the question “whether individuals resident in the occupied territories were indeed subject to Israel’s jurisdiction” for purposes of the application of the Covenant (CCPR/C/SR.1675, para. 21).  Israel took the position that “the Covenant and similar instruments did not apply directly to the current situation in the occupied territories” (ibid., para. 27).

The Committee, in its concluding observations after examination of the report, expressed concern at Israel’s attitude and pointed “to the long-standing presence of Israel in [the occupied] territories, Israel’s ambiguous attitude towards their future status, as well as the exercise of effective jurisdiction by Israeli security forces therein” (CCPR/C/79/Add.93, para. 10).  In 2003 in face of Israel’s consistent position, to the effect that “the Covenant does not apply beyond its own territory, notably in the West Bank and Gaza . . .”, the Committee reached the following conclusion:

“in the current circumstances, the provisions of the Covenant apply to the benefit of the population of the Occupied Territories, for all conduct by the State party’s authorities or agents in those territories that affect the enjoyment of rights enshrined in the Covenant and fall within the ambit of State responsibility of Israel under the principles of public international law” (CCPR/CO/78/ISR, para. 11).

111. In conclusion, the Court considers that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is applicable in respect of acts done by a State in the exercise of its jurisdiction outside its own territory.

112. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights contains no provision on its scope of application.  This may be explicable by the fact that this Covenant guarantees rights which are essentially territorial.  However, it is not to be excluded that it applies both to territories over which a State party has sovereignty and to those over which that State exercises territorial jurisdiction.  Thus Article 14 makes provision for transitional measures in the case of any State which “at the time of becoming a Party, has not been able to secure in its metropolitan territory or other territories under its jurisdiction compulsory primary education, free of charge”.

It is not without relevance to recall in this regard the position taken by Israel in its reports to the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.  In its initial report to the Committee of 4 December 1998, Israel provided “statistics indicating the enjoyment of the rights enshrined in the Covenant by Israeli settlers in the occupied Territories”.  The Committee noted that, according to Israel, “the Palestinian population within the same jurisdictional areas were excluded from both the report and the protection of the Covenant” (E/C.12/1/Add. 27, para. 8).  The Committee expressed its concern in this regard, to which Israel replied in a further report of 19 October 2001 that it has “consistently maintained that the Covenant does not apply to areas that are not subject to its sovereign territory and jurisdiction” (a formula inspired by the language of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights).  This position, continued Israel, is “based on the well-established distinction between human rights and humanitarian law under international law”.  It added:  “the Committee’s mandate cannot relate to events in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, inasmuch as they are part and parcel of the context of armed conflict as distinct from a relationship of human rights” (E/1990/6/Add. 32, para. 5).  In view of these observations, the Committee reiterated its concern about Israel’s position and reaffirmed “its view that the State party’s obligations under the Covenant apply to all territories and populations under its effective control” (E/C.12/1/Add.90, paras. 15 and 31).

For the reasons explained in paragraph 106 above, the Court cannot accept Israel’s view.  It would also observe that the territories occupied by Israel have for over 37 years been subject to its territorial jurisdiction as the occupying Power.  In the exercise of the powers available to it on this basis, Israel is bound by the provisions of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.  Furthermore, it is under an obligation not to raise any obstacle to the exercise of such rights in those fields where competence has been transferred to Palestinian authorities.

113. As regards the Convention on the Rights of the Child of 20 November 1989, that instrument contains an Article 2 according to which “States Parties shall respect and ensure the rights set forth in the . . . Convention to each child within their jurisdiction . . .”.  That Convention is therefore applicable within the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

*        *

114. Having determined the rules and principles of international law relevant to reply to the question posed by the General Assembly, and having ruled in particular on the applicability within the Occupied Palestinian Territory of international humanitarian law and human rights law, the Court will now seek to ascertain whether the construction of the wall has violated those rules and principles.

*

115. In this regard, Annex II to the report of the Secretary-General, entitled “Summary Legal Position of the Palestine Liberation Organization”, states that “The construction of the Barrier is an attempt to annex the territory contrary to international law” and that “The de facto annexation of land interferes with the territorial sovereignty and consequently with the right of the Palestinians to self-determination.”  This view was echoed in certain of the written statements submitted to the Court and in the views expressed at the hearings.  Inter alia, it was contended that:  “The wall severs the territorial sphere over which the Palestinian people are entitled to exercise their right of self-determination and constitutes a violation of the legal principle prohibiting the acquisition of territory by the use of force.”  In this connection, it was in particular emphasized that “The route of the wall is designed to change the demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, by reinforcing the Israeli settlements” illegally established on the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  It was further contended that the wall aimed at “reducing and parcelling out the territorial sphere over which the Palestinian people are entitled to exercise their right of self-determination”.

116. For its part, Israel has argued that the wall’s sole purpose is to enable it effectively to combat terrorist attacks launched from the West Bank.  Furthermore, Israel has repeatedly stated that the Barrier is a temporary measure (see report of the Secretary-General, para. 29).  It did so inter alia through its Permanent Representative to the United Nations at the Security Council meeting of 14 October 2003, emphasizing that “[the fence] does not annex territories to the State of Israel”, and that Israel is “ready and able, at tremendous cost, to adjust or dismantle a fence if so required as part of a political settlement” (S/PV.4841, p. 10).  Israel’s Permanent Representative restated this view before the General Assembly on 20 October and 8 December 2003.  On this latter occasion, he added:  “As soon as the terror ends, the fence will no longer be necessary.  The fence is not a border and has no political significance.  It does not change the legal status of the territory in any way.”  (A/ES-10/PV.23, p. 6.)  

117. The Court would recall that both the General Assembly and the Security Council have referred, with regard to Palestine, to the customary rule of “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” (see paragraphs 74 and 87 above).  Thus in resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967, the Security Council, after recalling this rule, affirmed that:  

“the fulfilment of Charter principles requires the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East which should include the application of both the following principles:

(i) Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict;  

(ii) Termination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force”.

It is on this same basis that the Council has several times condemned the measures taken by Israel to change the status of Jerusalem (see paragraph 75 above).

118. As regards the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, the Court observes that the existence of a “Palestinian people” is no longer in issue.  Such existence has moreover been recognized by Israel in the exchange of letters of 9 September 1993 between Mr. Yasser Arafat, President of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Mr. Yitzhak Rabin, Israeli Prime Minister.  In that correspondence, the President of the PLO recognized “the right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and security” and made various other commitments.  In reply, the Israeli Prime Minister informed him that, in the light of those commitments, “the Government of Israel has decided to recognize the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people”.  The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip of 28 September 1995 also refers a number of times to the Palestinian people and its “legitimate rights” (Preamble, paras. 4, 7, 8;  Article II, para. 2;  Article III, paras. 1 and 3;  Article XXII, para. 2).  The Court considers that those rights include the right to self-determination, as the General Assembly has moreover recognized on a number of occasions (see, for example, resolution 58/163 of 22 December 2003).

119. The Court notes that the route of the wall as fixed by the Israeli Government includes within the “Closed Area” (see paragraph 85 above) some 80 per cent of the settlers living in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  Moreover, it is apparent from an examination of the map mentioned in paragraph 80 above that the wall’s sinuous route has been traced in such a way as to include within that area the great majority of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian Territory (including East Jerusalem).

120. As regards these settlements, the Court notes that Article 49, paragraph 6, of the Fourth Geneva Convention provides:  “The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.”  That provision prohibits not only deportations or forced transfers of population such as those carried out during the Second World War, but also any measures taken by an occupying Power in order to organize or encourage transfers of parts of its own population into the occupied territory.

In this respect, the information provided to the Court shows that, since 1977, Israel has conducted a policy and developed practices involving the establishment of settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, contrary to the terms of Article 49, paragraph 6, just cited.

The Security Council has thus taken the view that such policy and practices “have no legal validity”.  It has also called upon “Israel, as the occupying Power, to abide scrupulously” by the Fourth Geneva Convention and:

“to rescind its previous measures and to desist from taking any action which would result in changing the legal status and geographical nature and materially affecting the demographic composition of the Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem and, in particular, not to transfer parts of its own civilian population into the occupied Arab territories” (resolution 446 (1979) of 22 March 1979).

The Council reaffirmed its position in resolutions 452 (1979) of 20 July 1979 and 465 (1980) of 1 March 1980.  Indeed, in the latter case it described “Israel’s policy and practices of settling parts of its population and new immigrants in [the occupied] territories” as a “flagrant violation” of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

The Court concludes that the Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (including East Jerusalem) have been established in breach of international law.

121. Whilst the Court notes the assurance given by Israel that the construction of the wall does not amount to annexation and that the wall is of a temporary nature (see paragraph 116 above), it nevertheless cannot remain indifferent to certain fears expressed to it that the route of the wall will prejudge the future frontier between Israel and Palestine, and the fear that Israel may integrate the settlements and their means of access.  The Court considers that the construction of the wall and its associated régime create a “fait accompli” on the ground that could well become permanent, in which case, and notwithstanding the formal characterization of the wall by Israel, it would be tantamount to de facto annexation.  

122. The Court recalls moreover that, according to the report of the Secretary-General, the planned route would incorporate in the area between the Green Line and the wall more than 16 per cent of the territory of the West Bank.  Around 80 per cent of the settlers living in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, that is 320,000 individuals, would reside in that area, as well as 237,000 Palestinians.  Moreover, as a result of the construction of the wall, around 160,000 other Palestinians would reside in almost completely encircled communities (see paragraphs 84, 85 and 119 above).

In other terms, the route chosen for the wall gives expression in loco to the illegal measures taken by Israel with regard to Jerusalem and the settlements, as deplored by the Security Council (see paragraphs 75 and 120 above).  There is also a risk of further alterations to the demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory resulting from the construction of the wall inasmuch as it is contributing, as will be further explained in paragraph 133 below, to the departure of Palestinian populations from certain areas.  That construction, along with measures taken previously, thus severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination, and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.

*

123. The construction of the wall also raises a number of issues in relation to the relevant provisions of international humanitarian law and of human rights instruments.  

124. With regard to the Hague Regulations of 1907, the Court would recall that these deal, in Section II, with hostilities and in particular with “means of injuring the enemy, sieges, and bombardments”.  Section III deals with military authority in occupied territories.  Only Section III is currently applicable in the West Bank and Article 23 (g) of the Regulations, in Section II, is thus not pertinent.

Section III of the Hague Regulations includes Articles 43, 46 and 52, which are applicable in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  Article 43 imposes a duty on the occupant to “take all measures within his power to restore, and, as far as possible, to insure public order and life, respecting the laws in force in the country”.  Article 46 adds that private property must be “respected” and that it cannot “be confiscated”.  Lastly, Article 52 authorizes, within certain limits, requisitions in kind and services for the needs of the army of occupation.

125. A distinction is also made in the Fourth Geneva Convention between provisions applying during military operations leading to occupation and those that remain applicable throughout the entire period of occupation.  It thus states in Article 6:

“The present Convention shall apply from the outset of any conflict or occupation mentioned in Article 2.

In the territory of Parties to the conflict, the application of the present Convention shall cease on the general close of military operations.

In the case of occupied territory, the application of the present Convention shall cease one year after the general close of military operations;  however, the Occupying Power shall be bound, for the duration of the occupation, to the extent that such Power exercises the functions of government in such territory, by the provisions of the following Articles of the present Convention:  1 to 12, 27, 29 to 34, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 59, 61 to 77, 143.

Protected persons whose release, repatriation or re-establishment may take place after such dates shall meanwhile continue to benefit by the present Convention.”

Since the military operations leading to the occupation of the West Bank in 1967 ended a long time ago, only those Articles of the Fourth Geneva Convention referred to in Article 6, paragraph 3, remain applicable in that occupied territory.

126. These provisions include Articles 47, 49, 52, 53 and 59 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

According to Article 47:

“Protected persons who are in occupied territory shall not be deprived, in any case or in any manner whatsoever, of the benefits of the present Convention by any change introduced, as the result of the occupation of a territory, into the institutions or government of the said territory, nor by any agreement concluded between the authorities of the occupied territories and the Occupying Power, nor by any annexation by the latter of the whole or part of the occupied territory.”

Article 49 reads as follows:

“Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.

Nevertheless, the Occupying Power may undertake total or partial evacuation of a given area if the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand.  Such evacuations may not involve the displacement of protected persons outside the bounds of the occupied territory except when for material reasons it is impossible to avoid such displacement.  Persons thus evacuated shall be transferred back to their homes as soon as hostilities in the area in question have ceased.

The Occupying Power undertaking such transfers or evacuations shall ensure, to the greatest practicable extent, that proper accommodation is provided to receive the protected persons, that the removals are effected in satisfactory conditions of hygiene, health, safety and nutrition, and that members of the same family are not separated.

The Protecting Power shall be informed of any transfers and evacuations as soon as they have taken place.

The Occupying Power shall not detain protected persons in an area particularly exposed to the dangers of war unless the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand.

The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies.”

According to Article 52:

“No contract, agreement or regulation shall impair the right of any worker, whether voluntary or not and wherever he may be, to apply to the representatives of the Protecting Power in order to request the said Power’s intervention.

All measures aiming at creating unemployment or at restricting the opportunities offered to workers in an occupied territory, in order to induce them to work for the Occupying Power, are prohibited.”

Article 53 provides that:

“Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.”

Lastly, according to Article 59:

“If the whole or part of the population of an occupied territory is inadequately supplied, the Occupying Power shall agree to relief schemes on behalf of the said population, and shall facilitate them by all the means at its disposal.

Such schemes, which may be undertaken either by States or by impartial humanitarian organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, shall consist, in particular, of the provision of consignments of foodstuffs, medical supplies and clothing.

All Contracting Parties shall permit the free passage of these consignments and shall guarantee their protection.

A Power granting free passage to consignments on their way to territory occupied by an adverse Party to the conflict shall, however, have the right to search the consignments, to regulate their passage according to prescribed times and routes, and to be reasonably satisfied through the Protecting Power that these consignments are to be used for the relief of the needy population and are not to be used for the benefit of the Occupying Power.”

127. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights also contains several relevant provisions.  Before further examining these, the Court will observe that Article 4 of the Covenant allows for derogation to be made, under various conditions, to certain provisions of that instrument.  Israel made use of its right of derogation under this Article by addressing the following communication to the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 3 October 1991:

“Since its establishment, the State of Israel has been the victim of continuous threats and attacks on its very existence as well as on the life and property of its citizens.

These have taken the form of threats of war, of actual armed attacks, and campaigns of terrorism resulting in the murder of and injury to human beings.

In view of the above, the State of Emergency which was proclaimed in May 1948 has remained in force ever since.  This situation constitutes a public emergency within the meaning of article 4 (1) of the Covenant.

The Government of Israel has therefore found it necessary, in accordance with the said article 4, to take measures to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, for the defence of the State and for the protection of life and property, including the exercise of powers of arrest and detention.

In so far as any of these measures are inconsistent with article 9 of the Covenant, Israel thereby derogates from its obligations under that provision.”

The Court notes that the derogation so notified concerns only Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which deals with the right to liberty and security of person and lays down the rules applicable in cases of arrest or detention.  The other Articles of the Covenant therefore remain applicable not only on Israeli territory, but also on the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

128. Among these mention must be made of Article 17, paragraph 1 of which reads as follows:  “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his honour and reputation.”

Mention must also be made of Article 12, paragraph 1, which provides:  “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.”  

129. In addition to the general guarantees of freedom of movement under Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, account must also be taken of specific guarantees of access to the Christian, Jewish and Islamic Holy Places.  The status of the Christian Holy Places in the Ottoman Empire dates far back in time, the latest provisions relating thereto having been incorporated into Article 62 of the Treaty of Berlin of 13 July 1878.  The Mandate for Palestine given to the British Government on 24 July 1922 included an Article 13, under which:

“All responsibility in connection with the Holy Places and religious buildings or sites in Palestine, including that of preserving existing rights and of securing free access to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites and the free exercise of worship, while ensuring the requirements of public order and decorum, is assumed by the Mandatory . . .”

Article 13 further stated:  “nothing in this mandate shall be construed as conferring . . . authority to interfere with the fabric or the management of purely Moslem sacred shrines, the immunities of which are guaranteed”.

In the aftermath of the Second World War, the General Assembly, in adopting resolution 181 (II) on the future government of Palestine, devoted an entire chapter of the Plan of Partition to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites.  Article 2 of this Chapter provided, in so far as the Holy Places were concerned:  

“the liberty of access, visit and transit shall be guaranteed, in conformity with existing rights, to all residents and citizens [of the Arab State, of the Jewish State] and of the City of Jerusalem, as well as to aliens, without distinction as to nationality, subject to requirements of national security, public order and decorum”.

Subsequently, in the aftermath of the armed conflict of 1948, the 1949 General Armistice Agreement between Jordan and Israel provided in Article VIII for the establishment of a special committee for “the formulation of agreed plans and arrangements for such matters as either Party may submit to it” for the purpose of enlarging the scope of the Agreement and of effecting improvement in its application.  Such matters, on which an agreement of principle had already been concluded, included “free access to the Holy Places”.

This commitment concerned mainly the Holy Places located to the east of the Green Line.  However, some Holy Places were located west of that Line.  This was the case of the Room of the Last Supper and the Tomb of David, on Mount Zion.  In signing the General Armistice Agreement, Israel thus undertook, as did Jordan, to guarantee freedom of access to the Holy Places.  The Court considers that this undertaking by Israel has remained valid for the Holy Places which came under its control in 1967.  This undertaking has further been confirmed by Article 9, paragraph 1, of the 1994 Peace Treaty between Israel and Jordan, by virtue of which, in more general terms, “Each party will provide freedom of access to places of religious and historical significance.”

130. As regards the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, that instrument includes a number of relevant provisions, namely:  the right to work (Articles 6 and 7);  protection and assistance accorded to the family and to children and young persons (Article 10);  the right to an adequate standard of living, including adequate food, clothing and housing, and the right “to be free from hunger” (Art. 11);  the right to health (Art. 12);  the right to education (Arts. 13 and 14).

131. Lastly, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child of 20 November 1989 includes similar provisions in Articles 16, 24, 27 and 28.

*

132. From the information submitted to the Court, particularly the report of the Secretary-General, it appears that the construction of the wall has led to the destruction or requisition of properties under conditions which contravene the requirements of Articles 46 and 52 of the Hague Regulations of 1907 and of Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

133. That construction, the establishment of a closed area between the Green Line and the wall itself and the creation of enclaves have moreover imposed substantial restrictions on the freedom of movement of the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (with the exception of Israeli citizens and those assimilated thereto).  Such restrictions are most marked in urban areas, such as the Qalqiliya enclave or the City of Jerusalem and its suburbs.  They are aggravated by the fact that the access gates are few in number in certain sectors and opening hours appear to be restricted and unpredictably applied.  For example, according to the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, “Qalqiliya, a city with a population of 40,000, is completely surrounded by the Wall and residents can only enter and leave through a single military checkpoint open from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m.”  (Report of the Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, John Dugard, on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967, submitted in accordance with Commission resolution 1993/2 A and entitled “Question of the Violation of Human Rights in the Occupied Arab Territories, including Palestine”, E/CN.4/2004/6, 8 September 2003, para. 9.)

There have also been serious repercussions for agricultural production, as is attested by a number of sources.  According to the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories

“an estimated 100,000 dunums [approximately 10,000 hectares] of the West Bank’s most fertile agricultural land, confiscated by the Israeli Occupation Forces, have been destroyed during the first phase of the wall construction, which involves the disappearance of vast amounts of property, notably private agricultural land and olive trees, wells, citrus grows and hothouses upon which tens of thousands of Palestinians rely for their survival” (Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories, A/58/311, 22 August 2003, para. 26).  

Further, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967 states that “Much of the Palestinian land on the Israeli side of the Wall consists of fertile agricultural land and some of the most important water wells in the region” and adds that “Many fruit and olive trees had been destroyed in the course of building the barrier.”  (E/CN.4/2004/6, 8 September 2003, para. 9.)  The Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights states that construction of the wall “cuts off Palestinians from their agricultural lands, wells and means of subsistence” (Report by the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, Jean Ziegler, “The Right to Food”, Addendum, Mission to the Occupied Palestinian Territories, E/CN.4/2004/10/Add.2, 31 October 2003, para. 49).  In a recent survey conducted by the World Food Programme, it is stated that the situation has aggravated food insecurity in the region, which reportedly numbers 25,000 new beneficiaries of food aid (report of the Secretary-General, para. 25).

It has further led to increasing difficulties for the population concerned regarding access to health services, educational establishments and primary sources of water.  This is also attested by a number of different information sources.  Thus the report of the Secretary-General states generally that “According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, so far the Barrier has separated 30 localities from health services, 22 from schools, 8 from primary water sources and 3 from electricity networks.”  (Report of the Secretary-General, para. 23.)  The Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied by Israel since 1967 states that “Palestinians between the Wall and Green Line will effectively be cut off from their land and workplaces, schools, health clinics and other social services.”  (E/CN.4/2004/6, 8 September 2003, para. 9.)  In relation specifically to water resources, the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights observes that “By constructing the fence Israel will also effectively annex most of the western aquifer system (which provides 51 per cent of the West Bank’s water resources).”  (E/CN.4/2004/10/Add.2, 31 October 2003, para. 51.)  Similarly, in regard to access to health services, it has been stated that, as a result of the enclosure of Qalqiliya, a United Nations hospital in that town has recorded a 40 per cent decrease in its caseload (report of the Secretary-General, para. 24).  

At Qalqiliya, according to reports furnished to the United Nations, some 600 shops or businesses have shut down, and 6,000 to 8,000 people have already left the region (E/CN.4/2004/6, 8 September 2003, para. 10;  E/CN.4/2004/10/Add.2, 31 October 2003, para. 51).  The Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has also observed that “With the fence/wall cutting communities off from their land and water without other means of subsistence, many of the Palestinians living in these areas will be forced to leave.”  (E/CN.4/2004/10/Add.2, 31 October 2003, para. 51.)  In this respect also the construction of the wall would effectively deprive a significant number of Palestinians of the “freedom to choose [their] residence”.  In addition, however, in the view of the Court, since a significant number of Palestinians have already been compelled by the construction of the wall and its associated régime to depart from certain areas, a process that will continue as more of the wall is built, that construction, coupled with the establishment of the Israeli settlements mentioned in paragraph 120 above, is tending to alter the demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

134. To sum up, the Court is of the opinion that the construction of the wall and its associated régime impede the liberty of movement of the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (with the exception of Israeli citizens and those assimilated thereto) as guaranteed under Article 12, paragraph 1, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  They also impede the exercise by the persons concerned of the right to work, to health, to education and to an adequate standard of living as proclaimed in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.  Lastly, the construction of the wall and its associated régime, by contributing to the demographic changes referred to in paragraphs 122 and 133 above, contravene Article 49, paragraph 6, of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Security Council resolutions cited in paragraph 120 above.

135. The Court would observe, however, that the applicable international humanitarian law contains provisions enabling account to be taken of military exigencies in certain circumstances.

Neither Article 46 of the Hague Regulations of 1907 nor Article 47 of the Fourth Geneva Convention contain any qualifying provision of this type.  With regard to forcible transfers of population and deportations, which are prohibited under Article 49, paragraph 1, of the Convention, paragraph 2 of that Article provides for an exception in those cases in which “the security of the population or imperative military reasons so demand”.  This exception however does not apply to paragraph 6 of that Article, which prohibits the occupying Power from deporting or transferring parts of its own civilian population into the territories it occupies.  As to Article 53 concerning the destruction of personal property, it provides for an exception “where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations”.

The Court considers that the military exigencies contemplated by these texts may be invoked in occupied territories even after the general close of the military operations that led to their occupation.  However, on the material before it, the Court is not convinced that the destructions carried out contrary to the prohibition in Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention were rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.

136. The Court would further observe that some human rights conventions, and in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, contain provisions which States parties may invoke in order to derogate, under various conditions, from certain of their conventional obligations.  In this respect, the Court would however recall that the communication notified by Israel to the Secretary-General of the United Nations under Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights concerns only Article 9 of the Covenant, relating to the right to freedom and security of person (see paragraph 127 above); Israel is accordingly bound to respect all the other provisions of that instrument.

The Court would note, moreover, that certain provisions of human rights conventions contain clauses qualifying the rights covered by those provisions.  There is no clause of this kind in Article 17 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.  On the other hand, Article 12, paragraph 3, of that instrument provides that restrictions on liberty of movement as guaranteed under that Article “shall not be subject to any restrictions except those which are provided by law, are necessary to protect national security, public order (ordre public), public health or morals or the rights and freedoms of others, and are consistent with the other rights recognized in the present Covenant”.  As for the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Article 4 thereof contains a general provision as follows:

“The States Parties to the present Covenant recognize that, in the enjoyment of those rights provided by the State in conformity with the present Covenant, the State may subject such rights only to such limitations as are determined by law only in so far as this may be compatible with the nature of these rights and solely for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society.”

The Court would observe that the restrictions provided for under Article 12, paragraph 3, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are, by the very terms of that provision, exceptions to the right of freedom of movement contained in paragraph 1.  In addition, it is not sufficient that such restrictions be directed to the ends authorized;  they must also be necessary for the attainment of those ends.  As the Human Rights Committee put it, they “must conform to the principle of proportionality” and “must be the least intrusive instrument amongst those which might achieve the desired result” (CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.9, General Comment No. 27, para. 14).  On the basis of the information available to it, the Court finds that these conditions are not met in the present instance.

The Court would further observe that the restrictions on the enjoyment by the Palestinians living in the territory occupied by Israel of their economic, social and cultural rights, resulting from Israel’s construction of the wall, fail to meet a condition laid down by Article 4 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, that is to say that their implementation must be “solely for the purpose of promoting the general welfare in a democratic society”.

137. To sum up, the Court, from the material available to it, is not convinced that the specific course Israel has chosen for the wall was necessary to attain its security objectives.  The wall, along the route chosen, and its associated régime gravely infringe a number of rights of Palestinians residing in the territory occupied by Israel, and the infringements resulting from that route cannot be justified by military exigencies or by the requirements of national security or public order.  The construction of such a wall accordingly constitutes breaches by Israel of various of its obligations under the applicable international humanitarian law and human rights instruments.

*

138. The Court has thus concluded that the construction of the wall constitutes action not in conformity with various international legal obligations incumbent upon Israel.  However, Annex I to the report of the Secretary-General states that, according to Israel:  “the construction of the Barrier is consistent with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, its inherent right to self-defence and Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001)”.  More specifically, Israel’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations asserted in the General Assembly on 20 October 2003 that “the fence is a measure wholly consistent with the right of States to self-defence enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter”;  the Security Council resolutions referred to, he continued, “have clearly recognized the right of States to use force in self-defence against terrorist attacks”, and therefore surely recognize the right to use non-forcible measures to that end (A/ES-10/PV.21, p. 6).

139. Under the terms of Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations:

“Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security.”

Article 51 of the Charter thus recognizes the existence of an inherent right of self-defence in the case of armed attack by one State against another State.  However, Israel does not claim that the attacks against it are imputable to a foreign State.

The Court also notes that Israel exercises control in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and that, as Israel itself states, the threat which it regards as justifying the construction of the wall originates within, and not outside, that territory.  The situation is thus different from that contemplated by Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), and therefore Israel could not in any event invoke those resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defence.

Consequently, the Court concludes that Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case.

140. The Court has, however, considered whether Israel could rely on a state of necessity which would preclude the wrongfulness of the construction of the wall.  In this regard the Court is bound to note that some of the conventions at issue in the present instance include qualifying clauses of the rights guaranteed or provisions for derogation (see paragraphs 135 and 136 above).  Since those treaties already address considerations of this kind within their own provisions, it might be asked whether a state of necessity as recognized in customary international law could be invoked with regard to those treaties as a ground for precluding the wrongfulness of the measures or decisions being challenged.  However, the Court will not need to consider that question.  As the Court observed in the case concerning the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Project (Hungary/Slovakia), “the state of necessity is a ground recognized by customary international law” that “can only be accepted on an exceptional basis”; it “can only be invoked under certain strictly defined conditions which must be cumulatively satisfied; and the State concerned is not the sole judge of whether those conditions have been met” (I.C.J. Reports 1997, p. 40, para. 51).  One of those conditions was stated by the Court in terms used by the International Law Commission, in a text which in its present form requires that the act being challenged be “the only way for the State to safeguard an essential interest against a grave and imminent peril” (Article 25 of the International Law Commission’s Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts;  see also former Article 33 of the Draft Articles on the International Responsibility of States, with slightly different wording in the English text).  In the light of the material before it, the Court is not convinced that the construction of the wall along the route chosen was the only means to safeguard the interests of Israel against the peril which it has invoked as justification for that construction.

141. The fact remains that Israel has to face numerous indiscriminate and deadly acts of violence against its civilian population.  It has the right, and indeed the duty, to respond in order to protect the life of its citizens.  The measures taken are bound nonetheless to remain in conformity with applicable international law.

142. In conclusion, the Court considers that Israel cannot rely on a right of self-defence or on a state of necessity in order to preclude the wrongfulness of the construction of the wall resulting from the considerations mentioned in paragraphs 122 and 137 above.  The Court accordingly finds that the construction of the wall, and its associated régime, are contrary to international law.

*

*         *

143. The Court having concluded that, by the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, and by adopting its associated régime, Israel has violated various international obligations incumbent upon it (see paragraphs 114-137 above), it must now, in order to reply to the question posed by the General Assembly, examine the consequences of those violations.  

*        *

144. In their written and oral observations, many participants in the proceedings before the Court contended that Israel’s action in illegally constructing this wall has legal consequences not only for Israel itself, but also for other States and for the United Nations;  in its Written Statement, Israel, for its part, presented no arguments regarding the possible legal consequences of the construction of the wall.

145. As regards the legal consequences for Israel, it was contended that Israel has, first, a legal obligation to bring the illegal situation to an end by ceasing forthwith the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and to give appropriate assurances and guarantees of non-repetition.  

It was argued that, secondly, Israel is under a legal obligation to make reparation for the damage arising from its unlawful conduct.  It was submitted that such reparation should first of all take the form of restitution, namely demolition of those portions of the wall constructed in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and annulment of the legal acts associated with its construction and the restoration of property requisitioned or expropriated for that purpose;  reparation should also include appropriate compensation for individuals whose homes or agricultural holdings have been destroyed.  

It was further contended that Israel is under a continuing duty to comply with all of the international obligations violated by it as a result of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and of the associated régime.  It was also argued that, under the terms of the Fourth Geneva Convention, Israel is under an obligation to search for and bring before its courts persons alleged to have committed, or to have ordered to be committed, grave breaches of international humanitarian law flowing from the planning, construction and use of the wall.

146. As regards the legal consequences for States other than Israel, it was contended before the Court that all States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation arising from the construction of the wall, not to render aid or assistance in maintaining that situation and to co-operate with a view to putting an end to the alleged violations and to ensuring that reparation will be made therefor.  

Certain participants in the proceedings further contended that the States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention are obliged to take measures to ensure compliance with the Convention and that, inasmuch as the construction and maintenance of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory constitutes grave breaches of that Convention, the States parties to that Convention are under an obligation to prosecute or extradite the authors of such breaches.  It was further observed that “the United Nations Security Council should consider flagrant and systematic violation of international law norm[s] and principles by Israel, particularly . . . international humanitarian law, and take all necessary measures to put an end [to] these violations”, and that the Security Council and the General Assembly must take due account of the advisory opinion to be given by the Court.  

*        *

147. Since the Court has concluded that the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, and its associated régime, are contrary to various of Israel’s international obligations, it follows that the responsibility of that State is engaged under international law.

148. The Court will now examine the legal consequences resulting from the violations of international law by Israel by distinguishing between, on the one hand, those arising for Israel and, on the other, those arising for other States and, where appropriate, for the United Nations.  The Court will begin by examining the legal consequences of those violations for Israel.

*

149. The Court notes that Israel is first obliged to comply with the international obligations it has breached by the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (see paragraphs 114-137 above).  Consequently, Israel is bound to comply with its obligation to respect the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and its obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law.  Furthermore, it must ensure freedom of access to the Holy Places that came under its control following the 1967 War (see paragraph 129 above).

150. The Court observes that Israel also has an obligation to put an end to the violation of its international obligations flowing from the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  The obligation of a State responsible for an internationally wrongful act to put an end to that act is well established in general international law, and the Court has on a number of occasions confirmed the existence of that obligation (Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), Merits, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 149;  United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1980, p. 44, para. 95;  Haya de la Torre, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1951, p. 82).

151. Israel accordingly has the obligation to cease forthwith the works of construction of the wall being built by it in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem.  Moreover, in view of the Court’s finding (see paragraph 143 above) that Israel’s violations of its international obligations stem from the construction of the wall and from its associated régime, cessation of those violations entails in practice the dismantling forthwith of those parts of that structure situated within the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem.  All legislative and regulatory acts adopted with a view to its construction, and to the establishment of its associated régime, must forthwith be repealed or rendered ineffective, except in so far as such acts, by providing for compensation or other forms of reparation for the Palestinian population, may continue to be relevant for compliance by Israel with the obligations referred to in paragraph 153 below.

152. Moreover, given that the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory has, inter alia, entailed the requisition and destruction of homes, businesses and agricultural holdings, the Court finds further that Israel has the obligation to make reparation for the damage caused to all the natural or legal persons concerned.  The Court would recall that the essential forms of reparation in customary law were laid down by the Permanent Court of International Justice in the following terms:

“The essential principle contained in the actual notion of an illegal act  a principle which seems to be established by international practice and in particular by the decisions of arbitral tribunals  is that reparation must, as far as possible, wipe out all the consequences of the illegal act and reestablish the situation which would, in all probability, have existed if that act had not been committed.  Restitution in kind, or, if this is not possible, payment of a sum corresponding to the value which a restitution in kind would bear;  the award, if need be, of damages for loss sustained which would not be covered by restitution in kind or payment in place of it  such are the principles which should serve to determine the amount of compensation due for an act contrary to international law.”  (Factory at Chorzów, Merits, Judgment No. 13, 1928, P.C.I.J., Series A, No. 17, p. 47.)

153. Israel is accordingly under an obligation to return the land, orchards, olive groves and other immovable property seized from any natural or legal person for purposes of construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  In the event that such restitution should prove to be materially impossible, Israel has an obligation to compensate the persons in question for the damage suffered.  The Court considers that Israel also has an obligation to compensate, in accordance with the applicable rules of international law, all natural or legal persons having suffered  any form of material damage as a result of the wall’s construction.  

*

154. The Court will now consider the legal consequences of the internationally wrongful acts flowing from Israel’s construction of the wall as regards other States.

155. The Court would observe that the obligations violated by Israel include certain obligations erga omnes.  As the Court indicated in the Barcelona Traction case, such obligations are by their very nature “the concern of all States” and, “In view of the importance of the rights involved, all States can be held to have a legal interest in their protection.”  (Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company, Limited, Second Phase, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1970, p. 32, para. 33.)  The obligations erga omnes violated by Israel are the obligation to respect the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, and certain of its obligations under international humanitarian law.

156. As regards the first of these, the Court has already observed (paragraph 88 above) that in the East Timor case, it described as “irreproachable” the assertion that “the right of peoples to self-determination, as it evolved from the Charter and from United Nations practice, has an erga omnes character” (I.C.J. Reports 1995, p. 102, para. 29).  The Court would also recall that under the terms of General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV), already mentioned above (see paragraph 88),

“Every State has the duty to promote, through joint and separate action, realization of the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter, and to render assistance to the United Nations in carrying out the responsibilities entrusted to it by the Charter regarding the implementation of the principle . . .”

157. With regard to international humanitarian law, the Court recalls that in its Advisory Opinion on the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, it stated that “a great many rules of humanitarian law applicable in armed conflict are so fundamental to the respect of the human person and ‘elementary considerations of humanity’ . . .”, that they are “to be observed by all States whether or not they have ratified the conventions that contain them, because they constitute intransgressible principles of international customary law” (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 257, para. 79).  In the Court’s view, these rules incorporate obligations which are essentially of an erga omnes character.

158. The Court would also emphasize that Article 1 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, a provision common to the four Geneva Conventions, provides that “The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances.”  It follows from that provision that every State party to that Convention, whether or not it is a party to a specific conflict, is under an obligation to ensure that the requirements of the instruments in question are complied with.

159. Given the character and the importance of the rights and obligations involved, the Court is of the view that all States are under an obligation  not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem.  They are also under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction.  It is also for all States, while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to see to it that any impediment, resulting from the construction of the wall, to the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination is brought to an end.  In addition, all the States parties to the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 are under an obligation, while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention.

160. Finally, the Court is of the view that the United Nations, and especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, should consider what further action is required to bring to an end the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and the associated régime, taking due account of the present Advisory Opinion.

*

*         *

161. The Court, being concerned to lend its support to the purposes and principles laid down in the United Nations Charter, in particular the maintenance of international peace and security and the peaceful settlement of disputes, would emphasize the urgent necessity for the United Nations as a whole to redouble its efforts to bring the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which continues to pose a threat to international peace and security, to a speedy conclusion, thereby establishing a just and lasting peace in the region.

162. The Court has reached the conclusion that the construction of the wall by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory is contrary to international law and has stated the legal consequences that are to be drawn from that illegality.  The Court considers itself bound to add that this construction must be placed in a more general context.  Since 1947, the year when General Assembly resolution 181 (II) was adopted and the Mandate for Palestine was terminated, there has been a succession of armed conflicts, acts of indiscriminate violence and repressive measures on the former mandated territory.  The Court would emphasize that both Israel and Palestine are under an obligation scrupulously to observe the rules of international humanitarian law, one of the paramount purposes of which is to protect civilian life.  Illegal actions and unilateral decisions have been taken on all sides, whereas, in the Court’s view, this tragic situation can be brought to an end only through implementation in good faith of all relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).  The “Roadmap” approved by Security Council resolution 1515 (2003) represents the most recent of efforts to initiate negotiations to this end.  The Court considers that it has a duty to draw the attention of the General Assembly, to which the present Opinion is addressed, to the need for these efforts to be encouraged with a view to achieving as soon as possible, on the basis of international law, a negotiated solution to the outstanding problems and the establishment of a Palestinian State, existing side by side with Israel and its other neighbours, with peace and security for all in the region.

*

*         *

163. For these reasons,

The Court,

(1) Unanimously,

Finds that it has jurisdiction to give the advisory opinion requested;

(2) By fourteen votes to one,

Decides to comply with the request for an advisory opinion;in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judge Buergenthal;

(3) Replies in the following manner to the question put by the General Assembly:

A. By fourteen votes to one,

The construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, and its associated régime, are contrary to international law;in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judge Buergenthal;

B. By fourteen votes to one,

Israel is under an obligation to terminate its breaches of international law;  it is under an obligation to cease forthwith the works of construction of the wall being built in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, to dismantle forthwith the structure therein situated, and to repeal or render ineffective forthwith all legislative and regulatory acts relating thereto, in accordance with paragraph 151 of this Opinion;in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judge Buergenthal;

C. By fourteen votes to one,

Israel is under an obligation to make reparation for all damage caused by the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem;in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judge Buergenthal;

D. By thirteen votes to two,

All States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction;  all States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12 August 1949 have in addition the obligation, while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention;in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judges Kooijmans, Buergenthal;

E. By fourteen votes to one,

The United Nations, and especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, should consider what further action is required to bring to an end the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and the associated régime, taking due account of the present Advisory Opinion.in favour:  President Shi;  Vice-President Ranjeva;  Judges Guillaume, Koroma, Vereshchetin, Higgins, Parra-Aranguren, Kooijmans, Rezek, Al-Khasawneh, Elaraby, Owada, Simma, Tomka;

against:  Judge Buergenthal.

Done in French and in English, the French text being authoritative, at the Peace Palace, The Hague, this ninth day of July, two thousand and four, in two copies, one of which will be placed in the archives of the Court and the other transmitted to the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

(Signed)  Shi Jiuyong,
President
(Signed)  Philippe Couvreur
Registrar

Judges Koroma, Higgins, Kooijmans and Al-Khasawneh append separate opinions to the Advisory Opinion of the Court;  Judge Buergenthal appends a declaration to the Advisory Opinion of the Court;  Judges Elaraby and Owada append separate opinions to the Advisory Opinion of the Court.

(Initialled) J.Y.S.

(Initialled) Ph.C.


Separate opinion of Judge Koroma

Construction of wall and annexation  Validity of Court’s jurisdiction  Functions of Court in advisory proceedings  Findings on basis of applicable law  Erga omnes character of findings  Respect for humanitarian law  Role of General Assembly.

1. While concurring with the Court’s findings that the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, and its associated régime are contrary to international law, I nevertheless consider it necessary to stress the following points.

2. First and foremost, the construction of the wall has involved the annexation of parts of the occupied territory by Israel, the occupying Power, contrary to the fundamental international law principle of the non-acquisition of territory by force.  The Court has confirmed the Palestinian territories as occupied territory and Israel is therefore not entitled to embark there on activities of a sovereign nature which will change their status as occupied territory.  The essence of occupation is that it is only of a temporary nature and should serve the interests of the population and the military needs of the occupying Power.  Accordingly, anything which changes its character, such as the construction of the wall, will be illegal.  

3. Understandable though it is that there may be a diversity of legal views and perspectives on the question submitted to the Court, namely, the rights and obligations of an occupying Power in an occupied territory and the remedies available under international law for breaches of those obligations  a question which, in my view, is eminently legal and falls within the advisory jurisdiction of the Court  the objection is not sustainable that the Court lacks competence to rule on such a question, as determined under the United Nations Charter (Art. 96  functional co-operation on legal questions between the Court and the General Assembly), the Statute of the Court (Art. 65  discretionary power;  and Art.  68  assimilation with contentious procedures), the Rules of Court (Art. 102, para. 2  assimilation with contentious proceedings), and the settled jurisprudence of the Court.  Also not sustainable is the objection based on judicial propriety, which the Court duly considered in terms of its competence and of fairness in the administration of justice.  In this regard, the question put to the Court is not about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as such, nor its resolution, but rather the legal consequences of the construction of the wall in the occupied territory.  In other words, is it permissible under existing law for an occupying Power, unilaterally, to bring about changes in the character of an occupied territory?  An eminently legal question, which, in my view, is susceptible of a legal response and which does not by necessity have to assume the nature of an adjudication of a bilateral dispute;  it is a request for elucidation of the applicable law.  It is to that question that the Court has responded.  It was therefore appropriate for the Court to exercise its advisory jurisdiction in this matter.  The jurisdictional basis of the Court’s Advisory Opinion is thus firmly anchored in its jurisprudence.

4. The function of the Court in such proceedings is to ascertain and apply the law to the issue at hand.  To reach its findings, the Court has applied the relevant rules of the international law of occupation as it pertains to the Palestinian territories.  Applying these rules, the Court has found that the territories were occupied territory and thus not open to annexation;  that any such annexation would be tantamount to a violation of international law and contrary to international peace.  Under the régime of occupation, the division or partition of an occupied territory by the occupying Power is illegal.  Moreover, in terms of contemporary international law, every State is under an obligation to refrain from any action aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and territorial integrity of any other State or country.

5. The Court has also held that the right of self-determination as an established and recognized right under international law applies to the territory and to the Palestinian people.  Accordingly, the exercise of such right entitles the Palestinian people to a State of their own as originally envisaged in resolution 181 (II) and subsequently confirmed.  The Court has found that the construction of the wall in the Palestinian territory will prevent the realization of such a right and is therefore a violation of it.

6. With respect to humanitarian and human rights law, the Court has rightly adjudged that both these régimes are applicable to the occupied territories;  that Israel as the occupying Power is under an obligation to respect the rights of the Palestinian population of the occupied territories.  Accordingly, the Court has held that the construction of the wall in the occupied territories violates the régime of humanitarian and human rights law.  To put an end to such violations, the Court has rightly called for the immediate cessation of the construction of the wall and the payment of reparation for damages caused by the construction.  

7. Equally important is the finding that the international community as a whole bears an obligation towards the Palestinian people as a former mandated territory, on whose behalf the international community holds a “sacred trust”, not to recognize any unilateral change in the status of the territory brought about by the construction of the wall.  

8. The Court’s findings are based on the authoritative rules of international law and are of an erga omnes character.  The Court’s response provides an authoritative answer to the question submitted to it.  Given the fact that all States are bound by those rules and have an interest in their observance, all States are subject to these findings.  

9. Just as important is the call upon the parties to the conflict to respect humanitarian law in the ongoing hostilities.  While it is understandable that a prolonged occupation would engender resistance, it is nonetheless incumbent on all parties to the conflict to respect international humanitarian law at all times.  

10. In making these findings, the Court has performed its role as the supreme arbiter of international legality and safeguard against illegal acts.  It is now up to the General Assembly in discharging its responsibilities under the Charter to treat this Advisory Opinion with the respect and seriousness it deserves, not with a view to making recriminations but to utilizing these findings in such a way as to bring about a just and peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a conflict which has not only lasted for far too long but has caused enormous suffering to those directly involved and poisoned international relations in general.

(Signed) Abdul G. Koroma.


SEPARATE OPINION OF JUDGE HIGGINS

Issues relevant for discretion not addressed by the Court ¾ Elements lacking for a balanced opinion ¾ Violations of Articles 46 and 52 of the Hague Regulations and Articles 49 and 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention ¾ Disagreement with passages in the Opinion on self-determination, self-defence and the erga omnes principle ¾ limitations of the factual materials relied on.

1. I agree with the Opinion of the Court as regards its jurisdiction in the present case and believe that paragraphs 14-42 correctly answer the various contrary arguments that have been raised on this point.

2. The question of discretion and propriety is very much harder. Although ultimately I have voted in favour of the decision to give the Opinion, I do think matters are not as straightforward as the Court suggests. It is apparent (not least from the wording of the request to the Court) that an attempt has been made by those seeking the Opinion to assimilate the Opinion on the wall to that obtained from the Court regarding Namibia (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 12). I believe this to be incorrect for several reasons. First and foremost, there was already, at the time of the request for an opinion in 1971 on the legal consequences of certain acts, a series of Court Opinions on South West Africa which made clear what were South Africa’s legal obligations (International Status of South West Africa, Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 128; Voting Procedure on Questions relating to Reports and Petitions concerning the Territory of South West Africa, Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1955, p. 67; Admissibility of Hearings of Petitioners by the Committee on South West Africa, Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1956, p. 23). Further, all the legal obligations as mandatory Power lay with South West Africa. There were no legal obligations, still less unfulfilled obligations, which in 1971 lay also upon South-West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), as the representative of the Namibian people.

3. In the present case, it is the General Assembly, and not the Court, which has made any prior pronouncements in respect of legality. Further, in contrast to how matters stood as regards Namibia in 1971, the larger intractable problem (of which the wall may be seen as an element) cannot be regarded as one in which one party alone has been already classified by a court as the legal wrongdoer; where it is for it alone to act to restore a situation of legality; and where from the perspective of legal obligation there is nothing remaining for the other “party” to do. That is evident from the long history of the matter, and is attested to by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 1515 (2002) alike.

4. In support of the misconceived analogy ¾ which serves both to assist so far as legal issues of discretion are concerned, as well as wider purposes ¾ counsel have informed the Court that “The problem . . . is a problem between one State ¾ Israel ¾ and the United Nations.” (See for example, CR 2004/3, p. 62,

para. 31.) Of course, assimilation to the Namibia case, and a denial of any dispute save as between Israel and the United Nations, would also avoid the necessity to meet the criteria enunciated by the Court when considering whether it should give an opinion where a dispute exists between two States. But, as will be elaborated below, this cannot be avoided.

5. Moreover, in the Namibia Opinion the Assembly sought legal advice on the consequences of its own necessary decisions on the matter in hand. The General Assembly was the organ in which now the power to terminate a League of Nations mandate was located. The Mandate was duly terminated. But Assembly resolutions are in most cases only recommendations. The Security Council, which in certain circumstances can pass binding resolutions under Chapter VII of the Charter, was not the organ with responsibility over mandates. This conundrum was at the heart of the Opinion sought of the Court. Here, too, there is no real analogy with the present case.

6. We are thus in different legal terrain ¾ in the familiar terrain where there is a dispute between parties, which fact does not of itself mean that the Court should not exercise its competence, provided certain conditions are met.

7. Since 1948 Israel has been in dispute, first with its Arab neighbours (and other Arab States) and, in more recent years, with the Palestinian Authority. Both Israel’s written observations on this aspect (7.4-7.7) and the report of the Secretary-General, with its reference to the “Summary Legal Position” of “each side”, attest to this reality. The Court has regarded the special status of Palestine, though not yet an independent State, as allowing it to be invited to participate in these proceedings. There is thus a dispute between two international actors, and the advisory opinion request bears upon one element of it.

8. That of itself does not suggest that the Court should decline to exercise jurisdiction on grounds of propriety. It is but a starting point for the Court’s examination of the issue of discretion. A series of advisory opinion cases have explained how the Status of Eastern Carelia, Advisory Opinion, 1923 (P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 5) principle should properly be read. Through the Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory Opinion, (I.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 151); the Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 12); and, most clearly, the Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 12), the ratio decidendi of Status of Eastern Carelia has been explained. Of these the Western Sahara case provides by far the most pertinent guidance, as it involved a dispute between international actors, in which the Court had not itself already given several advisory opinions (cf. the Namibia Opinion, which was given against the background of three earlier ones on issues of legality).

9. The Court did not in the Western Sahara case suggest that the consent principle to the settlement of disputes in advisory opinions had now lost all relevance for all who are United Nations Members. It was saying no more than the particular factors underlying the ratio decidendi of Status of Eastern Carelia were not present. But other factors had to be considered to see if propriety is met in giving an advisory opinion when the legal interests of a United Nations Member are the subject of that advice.

10. Indeed, in the Western Sahara case the Court, after citing the oft quoted dictum from Interpretation of Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, First Phase, Advisory Opinion, that an opinion given to a United Nations organ “represents its participation in the activities of the Organization, and, in principle, should not be refused” (I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 71), went on to affirm that nonetheless:

“lack of consent might constitute a ground for declining to give the opinion requested if, in the circumstances of a given case, considerations of judicial propriety should oblige the Court to refuse an opinion. In short, the consent of an interested State continues to be relevant, not for the Court’s competence, but for the appreciation of the propriety of giving an opinion.

In certain circumstances, therefore, the lack of consent of an interested State may render the giving of an advisory opinion incompatible with the Court’s judicial character.” (Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 25, paras. 32-33.)

11. What then are the conditions that in the Western Sahara case were found to make it appropriate for the Court to give an opinion even where a dispute involving a United Nations Member existed? One such was that a United Nations Member:

“could not validly object, to the General Assembly’s exercise of its powers to deal with the decolonization of a non-self-governing territory and to seek an opinion on questions relevant to the exercise of those powers” (ibid. p. 24, para. 30).

Although the Assembly is not exercising either the powers of a mandate supervisory body (as in Namibia) or a body decolonizing a non-self-governing territory (as in Western Sahara), the Court correctly recounts at paragraphs 48-50 the long-standing special institutional interest of the United Nations in the dispute, of which the building of the wall now represents an element.

12. There remains, however, a further condition to be fulfilled, which the Court enunciated in the Western Sahara case. It states that it was satisfied that:

“The object of the General Assembly has not been to bring before the Court, by way of a request for advisory opinion, a dispute or legal controversy, in order that it may later, on the basis of the Court’s opinion, exercise its powers and functions for the peaceful settlement of that dispute or controversy. The object of the request is an entirely different one: to obtain from the Court an opinion which the General Assembly deems of assistance to it for the proper exercise of its functions concerning the decolonization of the territory.” (Western Sahara, Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1975, pp. 26-27, para. 39.)

In the present case it is the reverse circumstance that obtains. The request is not in order to secure advice on the Assembly’s decolonization duties, but later, on the basis of our Opinion, to exercise powers over the dispute or controversy. Many participants in the oral phase of this case frankly emphasized this objective.

13. The Court has not dealt with this point at all in that part of its Opinion on propriety. Indeed, it is strikingly silent on the matter, avoiding mention of the lines cited above and any response as to their application to the present case. To that extent, this Opinion by its very silence essentially revises, rather than applies, the existing case law.

14. There is a further aspect that has been of concern to me so far as the issue of propriety is concerned. The law, history and politics of the Israel-Palestine dispute is immensely complex. It is inherently awkward for a court of law to be asked to pronounce upon one element within a multifaceted dispute, the other elements being excluded from its view. Context is usually important in legal determinations. So far as the request of the Assembly envisages an opinion on humanitarian law, however, the obligations thereby imposed are (save for their own qualifying provisions) absolute. That is the bedrock of humanitarian law, and those engaged in conflict have always known that it is the price of our hopes for the future that they must, whatever the provocation, fight “with one hand behind their back” and act in accordance with international law. While that factor diminishes relevance of context so far as the obligations of humanitarian law are concerned, it remains true, nonetheless, that context is important for other aspects of international law that the Court chooses to address. Yet the formulation of the question precludes consideration of that context.

15. Addressing the reality that “the question of the construction of the wall was only one aspect of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict”, the Court states that it “is indeed aware that the question of the wall is part of a greater whole, and it would take this circumstance carefully into account in any opinion it might give”

(para. 54).

16. In fact, it never does so. There is nothing in the remainder of the Opinion that can be said to cover this point. Further, I find the “history” as recounted by the Court in paragraphs 71-76 neither balanced nor satisfactory.

17. What should a court do when asked to deliver an opinion on one element in a larger problem? Clearly, it should not purport to “answer” these larger legal issues. The Court, wisely and correctly, avoids what we may term “permanent status” issues, as well as pronouncing on the rights and wrongs in myriad past controversies in the Israel-Palestine problem. What a court faced with this quandary must do, is to provide a balanced opinion, made so by recalling the obligations incumbent upon all concerned.

18. I regret that I do not think this has been achieved in the present Opinion. It is true that in paragraph 162 the Court recalls that “Illegal actions and unilateral decisions have been taken on all sides” and that it emphasizes that “both Israel and Palestine are under an obligation scrupulously to observe the rules of international humanitarian law”. But in my view much, much more was required to avoid the huge imbalance that necessarily flows from being invited to look at only “part of a greater whole”, and then to take that circumstance “carefully into account”. The call upon both parties to act in accordance with international humanitarian law should have been placed within the dispositif. The failure to do so stands in marked contrast with the path that the Court chose to follow in operative clause F of the dispositif of the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 266). Further, the Court should have spelled out what is required of both parties in this “greater whole”. This is not difficult ¾ from Security Council resolution 242 through to Security Council resolution 1515, the key underlying requirements have remained the same ¾ that Israel is entitled to exist, to be recognized, and to security, and that the Palestinian people are entitled to their territory, to exercise self-determination, and to have their own State. Security Council resolution 1515 envisages that these long-standing obligations are to be secured, both generally and as to their detail, by negotiation. The perceptible tragedy is that neither side will act to achieve these ends prior to the other so doing. The Court, having decided that it was appropriate to exercise its jurisdiction, should have used the latitude available to it in an advisory opinion case, and reminded both parties not only of their substantive obligations under international law, but also of the procedural obligation to move forward simultaneously. Further, I believe that, in order to achieve a balanced opinion, this latter element should also have appeared in the dispositif itself.

19. I think the Court should also have taken the opportunity to say, in the clearest terms, what regrettably today apparently needs constant reaffirmation even among international lawyers, namely, that the protection of civilians remains an intransgressible obligation of humanitarian law, not only for the occupier but equally for those seeking to liberate themselves from occupation.

20. My vote in favour of subparagraph (2) of the dispositif has thus been made with considerable hesitation. I have voted affirmatively in the end because I agree with almost all of what the Court has written in paragraphs 44-64. My regrets are rather about what it has chosen not to write.

*       *

21. The way subparagraph (3) (A) of the dispositif is formulated does not separate out the various grounds that the Court relied on in reaching its conclusions. I have voted in favour of this paragraph because I agree that the wall, being built in occupied territory, and its associated régime, entail certain violations of humanitarian law. But I do not agree with several of the other stepping stones used by the Court in reaching this generalized finding, nor with its handling of the source materials.

22. The question put by the General Assembly asks the Court to respond by “considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions” (General Assembly resolution ES-10/14). It might have been anticipated that once the Court finds the Fourth Geneva Convention applicable, that humanitarian law would be at the heart of this Opinion.

23. The General Assembly has in resolution ES-10/13 determined that the wall contravenes humanitarian law, without specifying which provisions and why. Palestine has informed the Court that it regards Articles 33, 53, 55 and 64 of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Article 52 of the Hague Regulations as violated. Other participants invoked Articles 23 (g), 46, 50 and 52 of the Hague Regulations, and Articles 27, 47, 50, 55, 56 and 59 of the Fourth Convention. For the Special Rapporteur, the wall constitutes a violation of Articles 23 (g) and 46 of the Hague Regulations and Articles 47, 49, 50, 53 and 55 of the Fourth Geneva Convention. It might have been expected that an advisory opinion would have contained a detailed analysis, by reference to the texts, the voluminous academic literature and the facts at the Court’s disposal, as to which of these propositions is correct. Such an approach would have followed the tradition of using advisory opinions as an opportunity to elaborate and develop international law.

24. It would also, as a matter of balance, have shown not only which provisions Israel has violated, but also which it has not. But the Court, once it has decided which of these provisions are in fact applicable, thereafter refers only to those which Israel has violated. Further, the structure of the Opinion, in which humanitarian law and human rights law are not dealt with separately, makes it in my view extremely difficult to see what exactly has been decided by the Court. Notwithstanding the very general language of subparagraph (3) (A) of the dispositif, it should not escape attention that the Court has in the event found violations only of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (para. 120), and of Articles 46 and 52 of the Hague Regulations and Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (para. 132). I agree with these findings.

25. After its somewhat light treatment of international humanitarian law, the Court turns to human rights law. I agree with the Court’s finding about the continued relevance of human rights law in the occupied territories. I also concur in the findings made at paragraph 134 as regards Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

26. At the same time, it has to be noted that there are established treaty bodies whose function it is to examine in detail the conduct of States parties to each of the Covenants. Indeed, the Court’s response as regards the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights notes both the pertinent jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee and also the concluding observations of the Committee on Israel’s duties in the occupied territories.

27. So far as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights is concerned, the situation is even stranger, given the programmatic requirements for the fulfilment of this category of rights. The Court has been able to do no more than observe, in a single phrase, that the wall and its associated régime “impede the exercise by the persons concerned of the right to work, to health, to education and to an adequate standard of living as proclaimed in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights . . .” (para. 134). For both Covenants, one may wonder about the appropriateness of asking for advisory opinions from the Court on compliance by States parties with such obligations, which are monitored, in much greater detail, by a treaty body established for that purpose. It could hardly be an answer that the General Assembly is not setting any more general precedent, because while many, many States are not in compliance with their obligations under the two Covenants, the Court is being asked to look only at the conduct of Israel in this regard.

28. The Court has also relied, for the general determination in subparagraph (3) (A) of the dispositif, on a finding that Israel is in violation of the law on self-determination. It follows observations on the legally problematic route of the wall and associated demographic risks with the statement “That construction, along with measures taken previously, thus severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination, and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.” (Para. 122.) This appears to me to be a non sequitur.

29. There is a substantial body of doctrine and practice on “self-determination beyond colonialism”. The United Nations Declaration on Friendly Relations, 1970, (General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV)) speaks also of self-determination being applicable in circumstances where peoples are subject to “alien subjugation, domination, and exploitation”. The General Assembly has passed many resolutions referring to the latter circumstance, having Afghanistan and the Occupied Arab Territories in mind (for example, General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX) 1974 (Palestine); General Assembly resolution 2144 (XXV) 1987 (Afghanistan)). The Committee on Human Rights has consistently supported this post-colonial view of self-determination.

30. The Court has for the very first time, without any particular legal analysis, implicitly also adopted this second perspective. I approve of the principle invoked, but am puzzled as to its application in the present case. Self-determination is the right of “All peoples . . . freely [to] determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development” (Article 1 (1), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and also International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights). As this Opinion observes (para. 118), it is now accepted that the Palestinian people are a “peoples” for purposes of self-determination. But it seems to me quite detached from reality for the Court to find that it is the wall that presents a “serious impediment” to the exercise of this right. The real impediment is the apparent inability and/or unwillingness of both Israel and Palestine to move in parallel to secure the necessary conditions that is, at one and the same time, for Israel to withdraw from Arab occupied territory and for Palestine to provide the conditions to allow Israel to feel secure in so doing. The simple point is underscored by the fact that if the wall had never been built, the Palestinians would still not yet have exercised their right to self-determination. It seems to me both unrealistic and unbalanced for the Court to find that the wall (rather than “the larger problem”, which is beyond the question put to the Court for an opinion) is a serious obstacle to self-determination.

31. Nor is this finding any more persuasive when looked at from a territorial perspective. As the Court states in paragraph 121, the wall does not at the present time constitute, per se, a de facto annexation. “Peoples” necessarily exercise their right to self-determination within their own territory. Whatever may be the detail of any finally negotiated boundary, there can be no doubt, as is said in paragraph 78 of the Opinion, that Israel is in occupation of Palestinian territory. That territory is no more, or less, under occupation because a wall has been built that runs through it. And to bring to an end that circumstance, it is necessary that both sides, simultaneously, accept their responsibilities under international law.

32. After the Court deals with the applicable law, and then applies it, it looks at possible qualifications, exceptions and defences to potential violations.

33. I do not agree with all that the Court has to say on the question of the law of self-defence. In paragraph 139 the Court quotes Article 51 of the Charter and then continues “Article 51 of the Charter thus recognizes the existence of an inherent right of self-defence in the case of armed attack by one State against another State.” There is, with respect, nothing in the text of Article 51 that thus stipulates that self-defence is available only when an armed attack is made by a State. That qualification is rather a result of the Court so determining in Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America) (Merits, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 14). It there held that military action by irregulars could constitute an armed attack if these were sent by or on behalf of the State and if the activity “because of its scale and effects, would have been classified as an armed attack . . . had it been carried out by regular armed forces” (ibid., p. 103, para. 195). While accepting, as I must, that this is to be regarded as a statement of the law as it now stands, I maintain all the reservations as to this proposition that I have expressed elsewhere (R. Higgins, Problems and Process: International Law and How We Use It, pp. 250-251).

34. I also find unpersuasive the Court’s contention that, as the uses of force emanate from occupied territory, it is not an armed attack “by one State against another”. I fail to understand the Court’s view that an occupying Power loses the right to defend its own civilian citizens at home if the attacks emanate from the occupied territory ¾ a territory which it has found not to have been annexed and is certainly “other than” Israel. Further, Palestine cannot be sufficiently an international entity to be invited to these proceedings, and to benefit from humanitarian law, but not sufficiently an international entity for the prohibition of armed attack on others to be applicable. This is formalism of an unevenhanded sort. The question is surely where responsibility lies for the sending of groups and persons who act against Israeli civilians and the cumulative severity of such action.

35. In the event, however, these reservations have not caused me to vote against subparagraph (3) (A) of the dispositif, for two reasons. First, I remain unconvinced that non-forcible measures (such as the building of a wall) fall within self-defence under Article 51 of the Charter as that provision is normally understood. Second, even if it were an act of self-defence, properly so called, it would need to be justified as necessary and proportionate. While the wall does seem to have resulted in a diminution on attacks on Israeli civilians, the necessity and proportionality for the particular route selected, with its attendant hardships for Palestinians uninvolved in these attacks, has not been explained.

36. The latter part of the dispositif deals with the legal consequences of the findings made by the Court.

37. I have voted in favour of subparagraph (3) (D) of the dispositif but, unlike the Court, I do not think that the specified consequence of the identified violations of international law have anything to do with the concept of erga omnes (cf. paras. 154-159 of this Opinion). The Court’s celebrated dictum in Barcelona Traction, Light and Power Company, Limited, Second Phase, (Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1970, p. 32, para. 33) is frequently invoked for more than it can bear. Regrettably, this is now done also in this Opinion, at paragraph 155. That dictum was directed to a very specific issue of jurisdictional locus standi. As the International Law Commission has correctly put it in the Commentaries to the draft Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (A/56/10 at p. 278), there are certain rights in which, by reason of their importance “all states have a legal interest in their protection”. It has nothing to do with imposing substantive obligations on third parties to a case.

38. That an illegal situation is not to be recognized or assisted by third parties is self-evident, requiring no invocation of the uncertain concept of “erga omnes”. It follows from a finding of an unlawful situation by the Security Council, in accordance with Articles 24 and 25 of the Charter entails “decisions [that] are consequently binding on all States Members of the United Nations, which are thus under obligation to accept and carry them out” (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 53, para. 115). The obligation upon United Nations Members not to recognize South Africa’s illegal presence in Namibia, and not to lend support or assistance, relied in no way whatever on “erga omnes”. Rather, the Court emphasized that “A binding determination made by a competent organ of the United Nations to the effect that a situation is illegal cannot remain without consequence.” (Ibid., para. 117.) The Court had already found in a contentious case that its determination of an illegal act “entails a legal consequence, namely that of putting an end to an illegal situation” (Haya de la Torre, Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1951, p. 82). Although in the present case it is the Court, rather than a United Nations organ acting under Articles 24 and 25, that has found the illegality; and although it is found in the context of an advisory opinion rather than in a contentious case, the Court’s position as the principal judicial organ of the United Nations suggests that the legal consequence for a finding that an act or situation is illegal is the same. The obligation upon United Nations Members of non-recognition and non-assistance does not rest on the notion of erga omnes.

39. Finally, the invocation (para. 157) of “the erga omnes” nature of violations of humanitarian law seems equally irrelevant. These intransgressible principles are generally binding because they are customary international law, no more and no less. And the first Article to the Fourth Geneva Convention, under which “The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances” while apparently viewed by the Court as something to do with “the erga omnes principle”, is simply a provision in an almost universally ratified multilateral Convention. The Final Record of the diplomatic conference of Geneva of 1949 offers no useful explanation of that provision; the commentary thereto interprets the phrase “ensure respect” as going beyond legislative and other action within a State’s own territory. It observes that

“in the event of a Power failing to fulfil its obligations, the other Contracting Parties (neutral, allied or enemy) may, and should, endeavour to bring it back to an attitude of respect for the Convention. The proper working of the system of protection provided by the Convention demands in fact that the Contracting Parties should not be content merely to apply its provisions themselves, but should do everything in their power to ensure that the humanitarian principles underlying the Conventions are applied universally.” (The Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949: Commentary, IV Geneva Convention relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war (Pictet ed.) p. 16.)

It will be noted that the Court has, in subparagraph (3) (D) of the dispositif, carefully indicated that any such action should be in conformity with the Charter and international law.

40. In conclusion, I would add that, although there has indeed been much information provided to the Court in this case, that provided directly by Israel has only been very partial. The Court has based itself largely on the Secretary-General’s report from 14 April 2002 to 20 November 2003 and on the later Written Statement of the United Nations (see para. 79). It is not clear whether it has availed itself of other data in the public domain. Useful information is in fact contained in such documents as the Third Report of the current Special Rapporteur and Israel’s Reply thereto (E/CN.4/2004/6/Add.1), as well as in “The Impact of Israel’s Separation Barrier on Affected West Bank Communities: an Update to the Humanitarian and Emergency Policy Group (HEPG), Construction of the Barrier, Access, and its Humanitarian Impact, March 2004”. In any event, the Court’s findings of law are notably general in character, saying remarkably little as concerns the application of specific provisions of the Hague Rules or the Fourth Geneva Convention along particular sections of the route of the wall. I have nonetheless voted in favour of subparagraph (3) (A) of the dispositif because there is undoubtedly a significant negative impact upon portions of the population of the West Bank, that cannot be excused on the grounds of military necessity allowed by those Conventions; and nor has Israel explained to the United Nations or to this Court why its legitimate security needs can be met only by the route selected.

(Signed) Rosalyn HIGGINS.


Separate opinion of Judge Kooijmans

Reasons for negative vote on operative subparagraph (3) (D)  Background and context of request for advisory opinion  Need for balanced treatment  Jurisdictional issues  Article 12, paragraph 2, of the Charter and General Assembly resolution 377 A (V)  Question of judicial propriety  Purpose of request  Merits  Self-determination  Proportionality  Self-defence  Legal consequences  Obligations for other States  Article 41 of the International Law Commission Articles on State Responsibility  Duty of non-recognition  Duty of abstention  Duty to ensure respect for humanitarian law  Common Article 1 of the Geneva Conventions.

I. Introductory remarks

1. I have voted in favour of all paragraphs of the operative part of the Advisory Opinion with one exception, viz. subparagraph (3) (D) dealing with the legal consequences for States.

I had a number of reasons for casting that negative vote which I will only briefly indicate at this stage, since I will come back to them when commenting on the various parts of the Opinion.

My motives can be summarized as follows:  

First:  the request as formulated by the General Assembly did not make it necessary for the Court to determine the obligations for States which ensue from the Court’s findings.  In this respect an analogy with the structure of the Opinion in the Namibia case is not appropriate.  In that case the question about the legal consequences for States was at the heart of the request and logically so since it was premised on a decision of the Security Council.  That resolution, and in particular its operative paragraph 5 which was addressed to “all States”, was considered by the Court to be “essential for the purposes of the present advisory opinion” (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 51, para. 108).

A similar situation does not exist in the present case, where the Court’s view is not asked on the legal consequences of a decision taken by a political organ of the United Nations but of an act committed by a Member State.  That does not prevent the Court from considering the issue of consequences for third States once that act has been found to be illegal but then the Court’s conclusion is wholly dependent upon its reasoning and not upon the necessary logic of the request.

It is, however, this reasoning that in my view is not persuasive (see paras. 39-49, below) and this was my second motive for casting a negative vote.

And, third, I find the Court’s conclusions as laid down in subparagraph (3) (D) of the dispositif rather weak;  apart from the Court’s finding that States are under an obligation “not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by [the] construction [of the wall]” (a finding I subscribe to) I find it difficult to envisage what States are expected to do or not to do in actual practice.  In my opinion a judicial body’s findings should have a direct bearing on the addressee’s behaviour;  neither the first nor the last part of operative subparagraph (3) (D) meets this requirement.

2. Although I am in general agreement with the Court’s Opinion, on some issues I have reservations with regard to its reasoning. I will, in giving my comments, follow the logical order of the Opinion:

(a) jurisdictional issues;

(b) the question of judicial propriety;

(c) the merits;

(d) the legal consequences.

Before doing so I wish, however, to make some remarks about the background and context of the request.

II. Background and context of the request for the advisory opinion

3. In paragraph 54 of the Opinion the Court observes (in the context of judicial propriety) that it is aware that the question of the wall is part of a greater whole but that that cannot be a reason for it to decline to reply to the question asked.  It adds that this wider context will be carefully taken into account.  I fully share the Court’s view as laid down in that paragraph including the Court’s observation that it can nevertheless only examine other issues to the extent that is necessary for the consideration of the question put to it.

4. In my opinion the Court could and should have given more explicit attention to the general context of the request in its Opinion.  The situation in and around Palestine has been for a number of decades not only a virtually continuous threat to international peace and security but also a human tragedy which in many respects is mind-boggling.  How can a society like the Palestinian one get used to and live with a situation where the victims of violence are often innocent men, women and children?  How can a society like the Israeli society get used to and live with a situation where attacks against a political opponent are targeted at innocent civilians, men, women and children, in an indiscriminate way?

5. The construction of the wall is explained by Israel as a necessary protection against the latter category of acts which are generally considered to be international crimes.  Deliberate and indiscriminate attacks against civilians with the intention to kill are the core element of terrorism which has been unconditionally condemned by the international community regardless of the motives which have inspired them.  

Every State, including Israel, has the right and even the duty (as the Court says in paragraph 141) to respond to such acts in order to protect the life of its citizens, albeit the choice of means in doing so is limited by the norms and rules of international law.  In the present case, Israel has not respected those limits, and the Court convincingly demonstrates that these norms and rules of international law have not been respected by it.  I find no fault with this conclusion nor with the finding that the construction of the wall along the chosen route has greatly added to the suffering of the Palestinians living in the Occupied Territory.

6. In paragraph 122 the Court finds that the construction of the wall, along with measures taken earlier, severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination, and therefore constitutes a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.  I have doubts whether the last part of that finding is correct (see para. 32, below), but it is beyond doubt that the mere existence of a structure that separates the Palestinians from each other makes the realization of their right to self-determination far more difficult, even if it has to be admitted that the realization of this right is more dependent upon political agreement than on the situation in loco.

But it is also true that the terrorist acts themselves have caused “great harm to the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for a better future”, as was stated in the Middle East Quartet Statement of 16 July 2002.  And the Statement continues:  “Terrorists must not be allowed to kill the hope of an entire region, and a united international community, for genuine peace and security for both Palestinians and Israelis.”  (MWP 2004/38, Add., Annex 10.)

7. The fact that the Court has limited itself to report merely on a number of the historical facts which have led to the present human tragedy may be correct from the viewpoint of what is really needed to answer the request of the General Assembly: the result, however, is that the historical résumé, as presented in paragraphs 70 to 78, is rather two-dimensional.  I will illustrate this by giving one example which is hardly relevant for the case itself.

8. Before giving its historical résumé, the Court says that it will first make a brief analysis of the status of the territory and it starts by mentioning the establishment of the Mandate after the First World War.  Nothing is said, however, about the status of the West Bank between the conclusion of the General Armistice Agreement in 1949 and the occupation by Israel in 1967, in spite of the fact that it is a generally known fact that it was placed by Jordan under its sovereignty but that this claim to sovereignty, which was relinquished only in 1988, was recognized by three States only.  

9. I fail to understand the reason for this omission of an objective historical fact since in my view the fact that Jordan claimed sovereignty over the West Bank only strengthens the argument in favour of the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention right from the moment of its occupation by Israel in June 1967.

If it is correct that the Government of Israel claims that the Fourth Geneva Convention is not applicable de jure in the West Bank since that territory had not previously to the 1967 war been under Jordanian sovereignty, that argument already fails since a territory, which by one of the parties to an armed conflict is claimed as its own and is under its control, is  once occupied by the other party  by definition occupied territory of a High Contracting Party in the sense of the Fourth Geneva Convention (emphasis added).  And both Israel and Jordan were parties to the Convention.  

That this at the time also was recognized by the Israeli authorities is borne out by the Order issued after the occupation and referred to in paragraph 93 of the Opinion.

10. The strange result of the Court’s reticence about the status of the West Bank between 1949 and 1967 is that it is only by implication that the reader is able to understand that it was under Jordanian control (paragraphs 73 and 129 refer to the demarcation line between Israel and Jordan (the Green Line)) without ever being explicitly informed that the West Bank had been placed under Jordanian authority.  This is all the more puzzling as the Court would in no way have been compelled to comment on the legality or legitimacy of that authority if it had made mention of it.

11. In a letter of 29 January from the Deputy Director General and Legal Adviser of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Registrar of the Court it is stated that “Israel trusts and expects that the Court will look beyond the request to the wider issues relevant to this matter” (MWP 2004/38, covering letter).  In this respect it was said that resolution ES-10/14 is “absolutely silent” on the terrorist attacks against Israeli citizens and thus “reflects the gravest prejudice and imbalance with the requesting organ”.  Israel, therefore, requested the Court not to render the opinion.

12. I am of the view that the Court, in deciding whether it is appropriate to respond to a request for an advisory opinion, can involve itself with the political debate which has preceded the request only to the extent necessary to understand the question put.  It is no exception that such debate is heated but, as the Court said in the case of the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons

“once the Assembly has asked, by adopting a resolution, for an advisory opinion on a legal question, the Court, in determining whether there are any compelling reasons for it to refuse to give such an opinion, will not have regard to the origins or to the political history of the request, or to the distribution of votes in respect of the adopted resolution” (I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 237, para. 16).

The Court, however, does not function in a void.  It is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations and has to carry out its function and responsibility within the wider political context.  It cannot be expected to present a legal opinion on the request of a political organ without taking full account of the context in which the request was made.

13. Although the Court certainly has taken into account the arguments put forward by Israel and has dealt with them in a considerate manner, I am of the view that the present Opinion could have reflected in a more satisfactory way the interests at stake for all those living in the region.  The rather oblique references to terrorist acts which can be found at several places in the Opinion, are in my view not sufficient for this purpose.  An advisory opinion is brought to the attention of a political organ of the United Nations and is destined to have an effect on a political process.  It should therefore throughout its reasoning and up till the operative part reflect the legitimate interests and responsibilities of all those involved and not merely refer to them in a concluding paragraph (para. 162).

III. Jurisdictional issues

14. I fully share the view of the Court that the adoption of resolution ES-10/14 was not ultra vires since it did not contravene the provision of Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter;  nor did it fail to fulfil the essential conditions set by the Uniting for Peace resolution (res. 377 A (V)) for the convening of an Emergency Special Session.

15. I doubt, however, whether it is possible to describe the practice of the political organs of the United Nations with respect to the interpretation of Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter without taking into account the effect of the Uniting for Peace resolution on this interpretation.  In the Opinion, the Court deals with resolution 377 A (V) as a separate item and merely in relation to its procedural requirements.  In my opinion this resolution also had a more substantive effect, namely with regard to the interpretation of the relationship between the competences of the Security Council and the General Assembly respectively, in the field of international peace and security and has certainly expedited the development of the interpretation of the condition, contained in Article 12, paragraph 1, namely that the Assembly shall not make a recommendation with regard to a dispute or situation while the Security Council is exercising its functions in respect of such dispute or situation (emphasis added).  

16. This effect is also recognized in doctrine.  “Le vote de la résolution ‘Union pour le maintien de la paix’ . . . ne pourrait manquer d’avoir des effets sur la portée à donner à la restriction de l’article 12, paragraphe 1.”  (Philippe Manin in J. P. Cot, La Charte des Nations Unies, 2e éd., 1981, p. 298; see also E. de Wet, The Chapter VII Powers of the United Nations Security Council, 2004, p. 46.)  In actual practice the adoption of the Uniting for Peace resolution has contributed to the interpretation that, if a veto cast by a permanent member prevents the Security Council from taking a decision, the latter is no longer considered to be exercising its functions within the meaning of Article 12, paragraph 1.  And the fact that a veto had been cast when the Security Council voted on a resolution dealing with the construction of the wall is determinative for the conclusion that the Security Council was no longer exercising its functions under the Charter with respect to the construction of the wall.  In the present case, therefore, the conclusion that resolution ES-10/14 did not contravene Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter cannot be dissociated from the effect resolution 377 A (V) has had on the interpretation of that provision.

17. That such practice is accepted by both Assembly and Security Council also with regard to the procedural requirements of resolution 377 A (V) is borne out by the fact that none of the Council’s members considered that the reconvening of the Assembly in Emergency Special Session on 20 October 2003 was unconstitutional and that the adoption of the resolution demanding that Israel stop and reverse the construction of the wall was therefore ultra vires.  In this respect it is telling that this resolution (res. ES-10/13) was tabled as a compromise by the Presidency of the European Union, among whose members were two permanent and two non-permanent members of the Security Council, less than a week after a draft resolution on the same subject had been vetoed in the Council.

18. Let me add that I agree with the Court that there has developed a practice enabling the General Assembly and the Security Council to deal in parallel with the same matter concerning the maintenance of international peace and security.  I doubt, however, whether a resolution of the character of resolution ES-10/13 (which beyond any doubt is a recommendation in the sense of Article 12, paragraph 1) could have been lawfully adopted by the Assembly, whether in a regular session or in an Emergency Special Session, if the Security Council had been considering the specific issue of the construction of the wall without yet having taken a decision.

IV. The question of judicial propriety

19. I must confess that I have felt considerable hesitation as to whether it would be judicially proper to comply with the request of the Assembly.

20. This hesitation had first of all to do with the question whether the Court would not be unduly politicized by giving the requested advisory opinion, thereby undermining its ability to contribute to global security and to respect for the rule of law.  It must be admitted that such an opinion, whatever its content, will inevitably become part of an already heated political debate.  The question is in particular pertinent as three members of the Quartet (the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union) abstained on resolution ES-10/14 and do not seem too eager to see the Court complying with the request out of fear that the opinion may interfere with the political peace process.  Such fears cannot be taken lightly since the situation concerned is a continuous danger for international peace and security and a source of immense human suffering.

21. While recognizing that the risk of a possible politicization is real, I nevertheless concluded that this risk would not be neutralized by a refusal to give an opinion.  The risk should have been a consideration for the General Assembly when it envisaged making the request.  Once the decision to do so had been taken, the Court was made an actor on the political stage regardless of whether it would or would not give an opinion.  A refusal would just as much have politicized the Court as the rendering of an opinion.  Only by limiting itself strictly to its judicial function is the Court able to minimize the risk that its credibility in upholding the respect for the rule of law is affected.

22. My hesitation was also related to the question of the object of the Assembly’s request.  What was the Assembly’s purpose in making the request?  Resolution ES-10/14 seems to give some further information in this respect in its last preambular paragraph which reads as follows:

“Bearing in mind that the passage of time further compounds the difficulties on the ground, as Israel, the occupying Power, continues to refuse to comply with international law vis-à-vis its construction of the above-mentioned wall, with all its detrimental implications and consequences . . .”

Evidently the Assembly finds it necessary to take speedy action to bring to an end these detrimental implications and consequences and for this purpose it needs the views of the Court.

But the question remains:  Views on what?  And why the views of a judicial body on an act which has already been determined not to be in conformity with international law and the perpetrator of which has already been called upon to terminate and reverse its wrongful conduct (res. ES-10/13)?

23. The present request recalls the dilemma as seen by Judge Petrén in the Namibia case.  He felt that the purpose of the request for an advisory opinion was in that case “above all to obtain from the Court a reply such that States would find themselves under obligation to bring to bear on South Africa pressure . . .”.  He called this a reversal of the natural distribution of roles as between the principal judicial organ and the political organ of the United Nations since, instead of asking the Court its opinion on a legal question in order to deduce the political consequences following from it, the opposite was done (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 128).

24. In the present Opinion the Court responds to the argument that the Assembly has not made clear what use it would make of an advisory opinion on the wall, with a reference to the Nuclear Weapons case where it said that “it is not for the Court itself to purport to decide whether or not an advisory opinion is needed by the Assembly for the performance of its functions.  The General Assembly has the right to decide for itself on the usefulness of an opinion in the light of its own needs.”  (Para. 61.)  And the Court continues that it “cannot substitute its assessment of the usefulness of the opinion requested for that of the organ that seeks such opinion, namely the General Assembly” (para. 62).

25. I do not consider this answer fully satisfactory.  There is quite a difference between substituting the Court’s assessment of the usefulness of the opinion for that of the organ requesting it and analysing from a judicial viewpoint what the purpose of the request is.  The latter is a simple necessity in order to find out what the Court as a judicial body is in a position to say.  And from that point of view the request is phrased in a way which can be called odd, to put it mildly.  And in actual fact the Court makes this analysis when in paragraph 39 of the Opinion it says that the use of the terms “legal consequences” arising from the construction of the wall “necessarily encompasses an assessment of whether that construction is or is not in breach of certain rules and principles of international law”.  I agree with that statement but not because the word “necessarily” is related to the terms of the request but because it is related to the judicial responsibility of the Court.  To quote the words of Judge Dillard in the Namibia case:  

“when these [political] organs do see fit to ask for an advisory opinion, they must expect the Court to act in strict accordance with its judicial function.  This function precludes it from accepting, without any enquiry whatever, a legal conclusion which itself conditions the nature and scope of the legal consequences flowing from it.  It would be otherwise if the resolutions requesting an opinion were legally neutral . . .”  (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 151;  emphasis added.)

26. In the present case the request is far from being “legally neutral”.  In order not to be precluded, from the viewpoint of judicial propriety, from rendering the opinion, the Court therefore is duty bound to reconsider the content of the request in order to uphold its judicial dignity.  The Court has done so but in my view it should have done so proprio motu and not by assuming what the Assembly “necessarily” must have assumed, something it evidently did not.

27. Let me add that in other respects I share the views the Court has expressed with regard to the issue of judicial propriety.  In particular the Court’s finding that the subject-matter of the General Assembly cannot be regarded as being “only a bilateral matter between Israel and Palestine” (para. 49), is in my view worded in a felicitous way since, in regard to the issue of the existence of a bilateral dispute, it avoids the dilemma of “either/or”.  A situation which is of legitimate concern to the organized international community and a bilateral dispute with regard to that same situation may exist simultaneously.  The existence of the latter cannot deprive the organs of the organized community of the competence which has been assigned to them by the constitutive instruments.  In the present case the involvement of the United Nations in the question of Palestine is a long-standing one and, as the Court says, the subject-matter of the request is of acute concern to the United Nations (para. 50).  By giving an opinion the Court therefore in no way circumvents the principle of consent to the judicial settlement of a bilateral dispute which exists simultaneously.  The bilateral dispute cannot be dissociated from the subject-matter of the request, but only in very particular circumstances which cannot be spelled out in general can its existence be seen as an argument for the Court to decline to reply to the request.  In this respect, I find the quotation from the Western Sahara Opinion in paragraph 47 of the Opinion, which contains pure circular reasoning, less than helpful.

28. If the request has been legitimately made in view of the United Nations long-standing involvement with the question of Palestine, Israel’s argument that the Court does not have at its disposal the necessary evidentiary material, as this is to an important degree in the hands of Israel as a party to the dispute, does not hold water.  The Court has to respect Israel’s choice not to address the merits, but it is the Court’s own responsibility to assess whether the available information is sufficient to enable it to give the requested opinion.  And, although it is a matter for sincere regret that Israel has decided not to address the merits, the Court is right when it concludes that the available material allows it to give the opinion.

V. Merits

29. I share the Court’s view that the 1907 Hague Regulations, the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, the 1966 Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child are applicable to the Occupied Palestinian Territory and that Israel by constructing the wall and establishing the associated régime has breached its obligation under certain provisions of each of these conventions.  

I find no fault with the Court’s reasoning in this respect although I regret that the summary of the Court’s findings in paragraph 137 does not contain a list of treaty provisions which have been breached.

30. The Court has refrained from taking a position with regard to territorial rights and the question of permanent status.  It has taken note of statements, made by Israeli authorities on various occasions, that the “fence” is a temporary measure, that it is not a border and that it does not change the legal status of the territory.  I welcome these assurances which may be seen as the recognition of legal commitments on the side of Israel but share the Court’s concern that the construction of the wall creates a fait accompli.  It is therefore all the more important to expedite the political process which has to settle all territorial and permanent status issues.

31. Self-determination  In my view, it would have been better if the Court had also left issues of self-determination to this political process.  I fully recognize that the right of self-determination is one of the basic principles of modern international law and that the realization of this right for the people of Palestine is one of the most burning issues for the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  The overriding aim of the political process, as it is embodied inter alia in the Roadmap, is “the emergence of an independent, democratic and viable Palestinian State living side by side in peace and security with Israel and its other neighbours” (dossier Secretary-General, No. 70).  This goal is subscribed to by both Israel and Palestine;  both are, therefore, in good faith bound to desist from acts which may jeopardize this common interest.

32. The right of self-determination of the Palestinian people is therefore imbedded in a much wider context than the construction of the wall and has to find its realization in this wider context.  I readily agree with the Court that the wall and its associated régime impede the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination be it only for the reason that the wall establishes a physical separation of the people entitled to enjoy this right.  But not every impediment to the exercise of a right is by definition a breach of that right or of the obligation to respect it, as the Court seems to conclude in paragraph 122.  As was said by the Quartet in its statement of 16 July 2002, the terrorist attacks (and the failure of the Palestinian Authority to prevent them) cause also great harm to the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and thus seriously impede the realization of the right of self-determination.  Is that also a breach of that right?  And if so, by whom?  In my view the Court could not have concluded that Israel had committed a breach of its obligation to respect the Palestinians’ right to self-determination without further legal analysis.

33. In this respect I do not find the references to earlier statements of the Court in paragraph 88 of the Opinion very enlightening.  In the Namibia case the Court referred in specific terms to the relations between the inhabitants of a mandate and the mandatory as reflected in the constitutive instruments of the mandate system.  In the East Timor case the Court called the rights of peoples to self-determination in a colonial situation a right erga omnes, therefore a right opposable to all.  But it said nothing about the way in which this “right” must be translated into obligations for States which are not the colonial Power.  And I repeat the question:  Is every impediment to the exercise of the right to self-determination a breach of an obligation to respect it?  Is it so only when it is serious?  Would the discontinuance of the impeding act restore the right or merely bring the breach to an end?

34. Proportionality  The Court finds that the conditions set out in the qualifying clauses in the applicable humanitarian law and human rights conventions have not been met and that the measures taken by Israel cannot be justified by military exigencies or by requirements of national security or public order (paras. 135-137).  I agree with that finding but in my opinion the construction of the wall should also have been put to the proportionality test, in particular since the concepts of military necessity and proportionality have always been intimately linked in international humanitarian law.  And in my view it is of decisive importance that, even if the construction of the wall and its associated régime could be justified as measures necessary to protect the legitimate rights of Israeli citizens, these measures would not pass the proportionality test.  The route chosen for the construction of the wall and the ensuing disturbing consequences for the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territory are manifestly disproportionate to interests which Israel seeks to protect, as seems to be recognized also in recent decisions of the Israeli Supreme Court.

35. Self-defence  Israel based the construction of the wall on its inherent right of self-defence as contained in Article 51 of the Charter.  In this respect it relied on Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), adopted after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 against targets located in the United States.  

The Court starts its response to this argument by stating that Article 51 recognizes the existence of an inherent right of self-defence in the case of an armed attack by one State against another State (para. 139).  Although this statement is undoubtedly correct, as a reply to Israel’s argument it is, with all due respect, beside the point.  Resolutions 1368 and 1373 recognize the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence without making any reference to an armed attack by a State.  The Security Council called acts of international terrorism, without any further qualification, a threat to international peace and security which authorizes it to act under Chapter VII of the Charter.  And it actually did so in resolution 1373 without ascribing these acts of terrorism to a particular State.  This is the completely new element in these resolutions.  This new element is not excluded by the terms of Article 51 since this conditions the exercise of the inherent right of self-defence on a previous armed attack without saying that this armed attack must come from another State even if this has been the generally accepted interpretation for more than 50 years.  The Court has regrettably by-passed this new element, the legal implications of which cannot as yet be assessed but which marks undeniably a new approach to the concept of self-defence.

36. The argument which in my view is decisive for the dismissal of Israel’s claim that it is merely exercising its right of self-defence can be found in the second part of paragraph 139.  The right of self-defence as contained in the Charter is a rule of international law and thus relates to international phenomena.  Resolutions 1368 and 1373 refer to acts of international terrorism as constituting a threat to international peace and security;  they therefore have no immediate bearing on terrorist acts originating within a territory which is under control of the State which is also the victim of these acts.  And Israel does not claim that these acts have their origin elsewhere.  The Court therefore rightly concludes that the situation is different from that contemplated by resolutions 1368 and 1373 and that consequently Article 51 of the Charter cannot be invoked by Israel.

VI. Legal consequences

37. I have voted in favour of subparagraph (3) (B), (C) and (E) of the operative part.  I agree with the Court’s finding with regard to the consequences of the breaches by Israel of its obligations under international law for Israel itself and for the United Nations (paras. 149-153 and 160).  Since I have voted, however, against operative subparagraph (3) (D), the remainder of my opinion will explain the reasons for my dissent in a more detailed way than I did in my introductory remarks.

38. The General Assembly requests the Court to specify what are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall.  If the object of the request is to obtain from the Court an opinion which the General Assembly deems of assistance to it for the proper exercise of its functions (para. 50) it is only logical that a specific paragraph of the dispositif is addressed to the General Assembly.  That the paragraph is also addressed to the Security Council is logical as well in view of the shared or parallel responsibilities of the two organs.  

Since the Court has found that the construction of the wall and the associated régime constitute breaches of Israel’s obligations under international law, it is also logical that the Court spells out what are the legal consequences for Israel.

39. Although the Court beyond any doubt is entitled to do so, the request itself does not necessitate (not even by implication) the determination of the legal consequences for other States, even if a great number of participants urged the Court to do so (para. 146).  In this respect the situation is completely different from that in the Namibia case where the question was exclusively focussed on the legal consequences for States, and logically so since the subject-matter of the request was a decision by the Security Council.

In the present case there must therefore be a special reason for determining the legal consequences for other States since the clear analogy in wording with the request in the Namibia case is insufficient.

40. That reason as indicated in paragraphs 155 to 158 of the Opinion is that the obligations violated by Israel include certain obligations erga omnes.  I must admit that I have considerable difficulty in understanding why a violation of an obligation erga omnes by one State should necessarily lead to an obligation for third States.  The nearest I can come to such an explanation is the text of Article 41 of the International Law Commission’s Articles on State Responsibility.  That Article reads:

“1. States shall cooperate to bring to an end through lawful means any serious breach within the meaning of Article 40.  (Article 40 deals with serious breaches of obligations arising under a peremptory norm of general international law.)

2. No State shall recognise as lawful a situation created by a serious breach within the meaning of Article 40, nor render aid or assistance in maintaining that situation.”

Paragraph 3 of Article 41 is a saving clause and of no relevance for the present case.

41. I will not deal with the tricky question whether obligations erga omnes can be equated with obligations arising under a peremptory norm of general international law.  In this respect I refer to the useful commentary of the ILC under the heading of Chapter III of its Articles.  For argument’s sake I start from the assumption that the consequences of the violation of such obligations are identical.

42. Paragraph 1 of Article 41 explicitly refers to a duty to co-operate.  As paragraph 3 of the commentary states “What is called for in the face of serious breaches is a joint and co-ordinated effort by all States to counteract the effects of these breaches.”  And paragraph 2 refers to “co-operation . . . in the framework of a competent international organization, in particular the United Nations”.  Article 41, paragraph 1, therefore does not refer to individual obligations of third States as a result of a serious breach.  What is said there is encompassed in the Court’s finding in operative subparagraph (3) (E) and not in subparagraph (3) (D).

43. Article 41, paragraph 2, however, explicitly mentions the duty not to recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach just as operative subparagraph (3) (D) does.  In its commentary the ILC refers to unlawful situations which  virtually without exception  take the form of a legal claim, usually to territory.  It gives as examples “an attempted acquisition of sovereignty over territory through denial of the right of self-determination”, the annexation of Manchuria by Japan and of Kuwait by Iraq, South-Africa’s claim to Namibia, the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Rhodesia and the creation of Bantustans in South Africa.  In other words, all examples mentioned refer to situations arising from formal or quasi-formal promulgations intended to have an erga omnes effect.  I have no problem with accepting a duty of non-recognition in such cases.

44. I have great difficulty, however, in understanding what the duty not to recognize an illegal fact involves.  What are the individual addressees of this part of operative subparagraph (3) (D) supposed to do in order to comply with this obligation?  That question is even more cogent considering that 144 States unequivocally have condemned the construction of the wall as unlawful (res. ES-10/13), whereas those States which abstained or voted against (with the exception of Israel) did not do so because they considered the construction of the wall as legal.  The duty not to recognize amounts, therefore, in my view to an obligation without real substance.

45. That argument does not apply to the second obligation mentioned in Article 41, paragraph 2, namely the obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by the serious breach.  I therefore fully support that part of operative subparagraph (3) (D).  Moreover, I would have been in favour of adding in the reasoning or even in the operative part a sentence reminding States of the importance of rendering humanitarian assistance to the victims of the construction of the wall.  (The Court included a similar sentence, be it with a different scope, in its Opinion in the Namibia case, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 56, para. 125.)

46. Finally, I have difficulty in accepting the Court’s finding that the States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention are under an obligation to ensure compliance by Israel with humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention (para. 159, operative subparagraph (3) (D), last part).

In this respect the Court bases itself on common Article 1 of the Geneva Convention which reads:  “The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect for the present Convention in all circumstances.”  (Emphasis added.)

47. The Court does not say on what ground it concludes that this Article imposes obligations on third States not party to a conflict.  The travaux préparatoires do not support that conclusion.  According to Professor Kalshoven, who investigated thoroughly the genesis and further development of common Article 1, it was mainly intended to ensure respect of the conventions by the population as a whole and as such was closely linked to common Article 3 dealing with internal conflicts (F. Kalshoven, “The Undertaking to Respect and Ensure Respect in all Circumstances:  From Tiny Seed to Ripening Fruit” in Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law, Vol. 2 (1999), p. 3-61).  His conclusion from the travaux préparatoires is:  

“I have not found in the records of the Diplomatic Conference even the slightest awareness on the part of government delegates that one might ever wish to read into the phrase ‘to ensure respect’ any undertaking by a contracting State other than an obligation to ensure respect for the Conventions by its people ‘in all circumstances’.”  (Ibid., p. 28.)

48. Now it is true that already from an early moment the ICRC in its (non-authoritative) commentaries on the 1949 Convention has taken the position that common Article 1 contains an obligation for all States parties to ensure respect by other States parties.  It is equally true that the Diplomatic Conference which adopted the 1977 Additional Protocols incorporated common Article 1 in the First Protocol.  But at no moment did the Conference deal with its presumed implications for third States.

49. Hardly less helpful is the Court’s reference to common Article 1 in the Nicaragua case.  The Court, without interpreting its terms, observed that “such an obligation does not derive only from the Conventions themselves, but from the general principles of humanitarian law to which the Conventions merely give specific expression”.  The Court continued that “The United States [was] thus under an obligation not to encourage persons or groups engaged in the conflict in Nicaragua” to act in violation of common Article 3 (Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America)Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 114, para. 220).

But this duty of abstention is completely different from a positive duty to ensure compliance with the law.

50. Although I certainly am not in favour of a restricted interpretation of common Article 1, such as may have been envisaged in 1949, I simply do not know whether the scope given by the Court to this Article in the present Opinion is correct as a statement of positive law.  Since the Court does not give any argument in its reasoning, I do not feel able to support its finding.  Moreover, I fail to see what kind of positive action, resulting from this obligation, may be expected from individual States, apart from diplomatic demarches.  

51. For all these reasons I felt compelled to vote against operative subparagraph (3) (D).

(Signed) Pieter H. Kooijmans.


Separate opinion of Judge Al-Khasawneh

         Concurs with Advisory Opinion ¾ Agrees in general with reasoning ¾ Separate opinion only aim is to elucidate some salient points ¾ Status of territories as occupied rests on consistent opinio juris ¾ Security Council and General Assembly resolutions ¾ Opinion of High Contracting Parties to Fourth Geneva Convention ¾ Position of ICRC ¾ Position of States ¾ Israeli recognition of applicability of Fourth Geneva Convention ¾ Recent Israeli court decisions ¾ Court however not content to merely reiterate such conclusion ¾ Court independently reached similar conclusions on basis of interpretation of Fourth Geneva Convention ¾ Court saw no reason to embark on ascertainment of prior legal status of occupied territories ¾ Wise decision both as unnecessary and as having no impact on present status ¾ Except in case those territories were terra nullius¾ Cannot be the case ¾ Concept discredited and inapplicable to today’s world ¾ Incompatible with territory as mandatory territory ¾ Principles of non-annexation and welfare of inhabitants continue even after termination of mandate ¾ Until right of self-determination is achieved ¾ Obstacle to that right now is prolonged Israeli occupation ¾ Green Line originally an armistice line ¾ Israeli jurists sought to give it more importance before 1967 war ¾ Regardless of its present situation it represents the point from which Israeli occupation can be measured ¾ Doubts about its status work both ways ¾ Court right to refer to negotiation ¾ Negotiations are means and not end ¾ They should be grounded in law ¾ Requirement of good faith should be reflected in abstaining from faits accomplis that prejudice outcome of negotiations.

         1. I concur with the Court’s findings and agree in general with its reasoning.  Certain salient points in the Advisory Opinion merit some elucidation and it is specifically with regard to those points that I append this opinion.

The international legal status of the territories presently under Israeli occupation

         2. Few propositions in international law can be said to command an almost universal acceptance and to rest on a long, constant and solid opinio juris as the proposition that Israel’s presence in the Palestinian territory of the West Bank including East Jerusalem and Gaza is one of military occupation governed by the applicable international legal régime of military occupation.

         3. In support of this, one may cite the very large number of resolutions adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly often unanimously or by overwhelming majorities, including binding decisions of the Council and other resolutions which, while not binding, nevertheless produce legal effects and indicate a constant record of the international community’s opinio juris.  In all of these resolutions the territory in question was unfalteringly characterized as occupied territory; Israel’s presence in it as that of a military occupant and Israel’s compliance or non-compliance with its obligations towards the territory and its inhabitants measured against the objective yardstick of the protective norms of humanitarian law.

         4. Similarly the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention and the International Committee of the Red Cross “have retained their consensus that the convention”, i.e. the Fourth Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949, “does apply de jure to the occupied territories”[1].

         5. This has also been the position of States individually or in groups including States friendly to Israel.  Indeed a review of the record would reveal that, as noted by France in its Written Statement:“Israel initially recognized the applicability of the Fourth Convention:  according to Article 35 of Order No. 1, issued by the occupying authorities on 7 June 1967, ‘[t]he Military Court . . . must apply the provisions of the Geneva Convention dated 12 August 1949, Relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War, with respect to judicial procedures.  In case of conflict between this Order and said Convention, the Convention shall prevail . . .’”  (P. 5.)

         6. More recently Israel’s Supreme Court has confirmed the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to those territories.

         7. Whilst “that consistent record of the international community’s opinio juris cannot just be swept aside and ignored[2]”, the Court did not simply reiterate that opinio juris, instead, while taking cognizance of it, the Court arrived at similar conclusions regarding the de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention mainly on the basis of a textual interpretation of the Convention itself (paras. 86-98).  Paragraph 98 reads:         “In conclusion, the Court considers that the Fourth Geneva Convention is applicable in any occupied territory in the event of an armed conflict arising between two or more High Contending Parties.  Israel and Jordan were parties to the Fourth Convention when the 1967 armed conflict broke out.  The Court accordingly finds that the convention is applicable in the Palestinian territories which before the conflict lay to the east of the 1949 Armistice Demarcation line established between Israel and Jordan (The Green Line) and which were occupied during that conflict by Israel, there being no need for any enquiry into the precise prior status of these territories.”

         8. The Court followed a wise course in steering away from embarking on an enquiry into the precise prior status of those territories not only because such an enquiry is unnecessary for the purpose of establishing their present status as occupied territories and affirming the de jure applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to them, but also because the prior status of the territories would make no difference whatsoever to their present status as occupied territories except in the event that they were terra nullius when they were occupied by Israel, which no one would seriously argue given that that discredited concept is of no contemporary application, besides being incompatible with the territories’ status as a former mandatory territory regarding which, as the Court had occasion to pronounce “two principles were considered to be of paramount importance:  the principle of non-annexation and the principle that the well-being and development of . . . peoples [not yet able to govern themselves] form[ed] ‘a sacred trust of civilization’” (International Status of South West Africa, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 131).

         9. Whatever the merits and demerits of the Jordanian title in the West Bank might have been, and Jordan would in all probability argue that its title there was perfectly valid and internationally recognized and point out that it had severed its legal ties to those territories in favour of Palestinian self-determination, the fact remains that what prevents this right of self-determination from being fulfilled is Israel’s prolonged military occupation with its policy of creating faits accomplis on the ground.  In this regard it should be recalled that the principle of non-annexation is not extinguished with the end of the mandate but subsists until it is realized.

The significance of the Green Line

         10. There is no doubt that the Green Line was initially no more than an armistice line in an agreement that expressly stipulated that its provisions would not be “interpreted as prejudicing, in any sense, an ultimate political settlement between the Parties” and that “the Armistice Demarcation Lines defined in articles V and VI of [the] Agreement [were] agreed upon by the Parties without prejudice to future territorial settlements or boundary lines or to claims of either Party relating thereto” (Advisory Opinion, para. 72).

         11. It is not without irony that prominent Israeli jurists were arguing before the 1967 war that the General Armistice agreements were sui generis, were in fact more than mere armistice agreements, could not be changed except with the acceptance of the Security Council.  Whatever the true significance of that line today, two facts are indisputable:

(1) The Green line, to quote Sir Arthur Watts, “is the starting line from which is measured the extent of Israel’s occupation of non-Israeli territory” (CR 2004/3, p. 64).  There is no implication that the Green Line is to be a permanent frontier.

(2) Attempts at denigrating the significance of the Green Line would in the nature of things work both ways.  Israel cannot shed doubts upon the title of others without expecting its own title and the territorial expanse of that title beyond the partition resolution not to be called into question.  Ultimately it is through stabilizing its legal relationship with the Palestinians and not through constructing walls that its security would be assured.

The role of negotiations

         12. The Court has included a reference to the tragic situation in the Holy Land .  A situation that can be brought to an end “only through implementation in good faith of all relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973).  The Roadmap approved by Security Council resolution 1515 (2003) represents the most recent of efforts to initiate negotiations to this end.”  (Advisory Opinion, para. 162.)

         13. Whilst there is nothing wrong in calling on protagonists to negotiate in good faith with the aim of implementing Security Council resolutions and while recalling that negotiations have produced peace agreements that represent defensible schemes and have withstood the test of time, no one should be oblivious that negotiations are a means to an end and cannot in themselves replace that end.  The discharge of international obligations including erga omnes obligations cannot be made conditional upon negotiations.  Additionally, it is doubtful, with regard to the Roadmap, when consideration is had to the conditions of acceptance of that effort, whether the meeting of minds necessary to produce mutual and reciprocal obligations exists.  Be that as it may, it is of the utmost importance if these negotiations are not to produce non-principled solutions, that they be grounded in law and that the requirement of good faith be translated into concrete steps by abstaining from creating faits accomplis on the ground such as the building of the wall which cannot but prejudice the outcome of those negotiations.

(Signed) Awn Al-Khasawneh.

___________

______________

[1]Report of the Secretary-General prepared pursuant to General Assembly resolution ES-10/2 of 25 April 1997, para. 21, A/165-10/6-S/1997/494.

[2]Sir Arthur Watts, CR 2003/3, p. 64.


Declaration of Judge Buergenthal

1. Since I believe that the Court should have exercised its discretion and declined to render the requested advisory opinion, I dissent from its decision to hear the case.  My negative votes with regard to the remaining items of the dispositif should not be seen as reflecting my view that the construction of the wall by Israel on the Occupied Palestinian Territory does not raise serious questions as a matter of international law.  I believe it does, and there is much in the Opinion with which I agree.  However, I am compelled to vote against the Court’s findings on the merits because the Court did not have before it the requisite factual bases for its sweeping findings;  it should therefore have declined to hear the case.  In reaching this conclusion, I am guided by what the Court said in Western Sahara, where it emphasizedthat the critical question in determining whether or not to exercise its discretion in acting on an advisory opinion request is “whether the Court has before it sufficient information and evidence to enable it to arrive at a judicial conclusion upon any disputed questions of fact the determination of which is necessary for it to give an opinion in conditions compatible with its judicial character” (Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1975, pp. 28-29, para. 46).  In my view, the absence in this case of the requisite information and evidence vitiates the Court’s findings on the merits.

2. I share the Court’s conclusion that international humanitarian law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention, and international human rights law are applicable to the Occupied Palestinian Territory and must there be faithfully complied with by Israel.  I accept that the wall is causing deplorable suffering to many Palestinians living in that territory.  In this connection, I agree that the means used to defend against terrorism must conform to all applicable rules of international law and that a State which is the victim of terrorism may not defend itself against this scourge by resorting to measures international law prohibits.

3. It may well be, and I am prepared to assume it, that on a thorough analysis of all relevant facts, a finding could well be made that some or even all segments of the wall being constructed by Israel on the Occupied Palestinian Territory violate international law (see para. 10 below).  But to reach that conclusion with regard to the wall as a whole without having before it or seeking to ascertain all relevant facts bearing directly on issues of Israel’s legitimate right of self-defence, military necessity and security needs, given the repeated deadly terrorist attacks in and upon Israel proper coming from the Occupied Palestinian Territory to which Israel has been and continues to be subjected, cannot be justified as a matter of law.  The nature of these cross-Green Line attacks and their impact on Israel and its population are never really seriously examined by the Court, and the dossier provided the Court by the United Nations on which the Court to a large extent bases its findings barely touches on that subject.  I am not suggesting that such an examination would relieve Israel of the charge that the wall it is building violates international law, either in whole or in part, only that without this examination the findings made are not legally well founded.  In my view, the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people would have been better served had the Court taken these considerations into account, for that would have given the Opinion the credibility I believe it lacks.

4. This is true with regard to the Court’s sweeping conclusion that the wall as a whole, to the extent that it is constructed on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, violates international humanitarian law and international human rights law.  It is equally true with regard to the finding that the construction of the wall “severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination, and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right” (para. 122).  I accept that the Palestinian people have the right to self-determination and that it is entitled to be fully protected.  But assuming without necessarily agreeing that this right is relevant to the case before us and that it is being violated, Israel’s right to self-defence, if applicable and legitimately invoked, would nevertheless have to preclude any wrongfulness in this regard.  See Article 21 of the International Law Commission’s Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts, which declares:  “The wrongfulness of an act of a State is precluded if the act constitutes a lawful measure of self-defence taken in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.”

5. Whether Israel’s right of self-defence is in play in the instant case depends, in my opinion, on an examination of the nature and scope of the deadly terrorist attacks to which Israel proper is being subjected from across the Green Line and the extent to which the construction of the wall, in whole or in part, is a necessary and proportionate response to these attacks.  As a matter of law, it is not inconceivable to me that some segments of the wall being constructed on Palestinian territory meet that test and that others do not.  But to reach a conclusion either way, one has to examine the facts bearing on that issue with regard to the specific segments of the wall, their defensive needs and related topographical considerations.

Since these facts are not before the Court, it is compelled to adopt the to me legally dubious conclusion that the right of legitimate or inherent self-defence is not applicable in the present case.  The Court puts the matter as follows:

“Article 51 of the Charter . . . recognizes the existence of an inherent right of self-defence in the case of armed attack by one State against another State.  However, Israel does not claim that the attacks against it are imputable to a foreign State.

The Court also notes that Israel exercises control in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and that, as Israel itself states, the threat which it regards as justifying the construction of the wall originates within, and not outside, that territory.  The situation is thus different from that contemplated by Security Council resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001), and therefore Israel could not in any event invoke those resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defence.

Consequently, the Court concludes that Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case.”  (Para. 139.)

6. There are two principal problems with this conclusion.  The first is that the United Nations Charter, in affirming the inherent right of self-defence, does not make its exercise dependent upon an armed attack by another State, leaving aside for the moment the question whether Palestine, for purposes of this case, should not be and is not in fact being assimilated by the Court to a State.  Article 51 of the Charter provides that “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations . . .”  Moreover, in the resolutions cited by the Court, the Security Council has made clear that “international terrorism constitutes a threat to international peace and security” while “reaffirming the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence as recognized by the Charter of the United Nations as reiterated in resolution 1368 (2001)” (Security Council resolution 1373 (2001)).  In its resolution 1368 (2001), adopted only one day after the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, the Security Council invokes the right of self-defence in calling on the international community to combat terrorism.  In neither of these resolutions did the Security Council limit their application to terrorist attacks by State actors only, nor was an assumption to that effect implicit in these resolutions.  In fact, the contrary appears to have been the case.  (See Thomas Franck, “Terrorism and the Right of Self-Defense”, American Journal of International Law, Vol. 95, 2001, pp. 839-840.)

Second, Israel claims that it has a right to defend itself against terrorist attacks to which it is subjected on its territory from across the Green Line and that in doing so it is exercising its inherent right of self-defence.  In assessing the legitimacy of this claim, it is irrelevant that Israel is alleged to exercise control in the Occupied Palestinian Territory  whatever the concept of “control” means given the attacks Israel is subjected from that territory  or that the attacks do not originate from outside the territory.  For to the extent that the Green Line is accepted by the Court as delimiting the dividing line between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, to that extent the territory from which the attacks originate is not part of Israel proper.  Attacks on Israel coming from across that line must therefore permit Israel to exercise its right of self-defence against such attacks, provided the measures it takes are otherwise consistent with the legitimate exercise of that right.  To make that judgment, that is, to determine whether or not the construction of the wall, in whole or in part, by Israel meets that test, all relevant facts bearing on issues of necessity and proportionality must be analysed.  The Court’s formalistic approach to the right of self-defence enables it to avoid addressing the very issues that are at the heart of this case.

7. In summarizing its finding that the wall violates international humanitarian law and international human rights law, the Court has the following to say:

“To sum up, the Court, from the material available to it, is not convinced that the specific course Israel has chosen for the wall was necessary to attain its security objectives.  The wall, along the route chosen, and its associated régime gravely infringe a number of rights of Palestinians residing in the territory occupied by Israel, and the infringements resulting from that route cannot be justified by military exigencies or by the requirements of national security or public order.  The construction of such a wall accordingly constitutes breaches by Israel of various of its obligations under the applicable international humanitarian law and human rights instruments.”  (Para. 137.)

The Court supports this conclusion with extensive quotations of the relevant legal provisions and with evidence that relates to the suffering the wall has caused along some parts of its route.  But in reaching this conclusion, the Court fails to address any facts or evidence specifically rebutting Israel’s claim of military exigencies or requirements of national security.  It is true that in dealing with this subject the Court asserts that it draws on the factual summaries provided by the United Nations Secretary-General as well as some other United Nations reports.  It is equally true, however, that the Court barely addresses the summaries of Israel’s position on this subject that are attached to the Secretary-General’s report and which contradict or cast doubt on the material the Court claims to rely on.  Instead, all we have from the Court is a description of the harm the wall is causing and a discussion of various provisions of international humanitarian law and human rights instruments followed by the conclusion that this law has been violated.  Lacking is an examination of the facts that might show why the alleged defences of military exigencies, national security or public order are not applicable to the wall as a whole or to the individual segments of its route.  The Court says that it “is not convinced” but it fails to demonstrate why it is not convinced, and that is why these conclusions are not convincing.

8. It is true that some international humanitarian law provisions the Court cites admit of no exceptions based on military exigencies.  Thus, Article 46 of the Hague Rules provides that private property must be respected and may not be confiscated.  In the Summary of the legal position of the Government of Israel, Annex I to the report of the United Nations Secretary-General, A/ES-10/248, p. 8, the Secretary-General reports Israel’s position on this subject in part as follows: “The Government of Israel argues:  there is no change in ownership of the land; compensation is available for use of land, crop yield or damage to the land; residents can petition the Supreme Court to halt or alter construction and there is no change in resident status.”  The Court fails to address these arguments.  While these Israeli submissions are not necessarily determinative of the matter, they should have been dealt with by the Court and related to Israel’s further claim that the wall is a temporary structure, which the Court takes note of as an “assurance given by Israel” (para. 121).

9. Paragraph 6 of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention also does not admit for exceptions on grounds of military or security exigencies.  It provides that “the Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies”.  I agree that this provision applies to the Israeli settlements in the West Bank and that their existence violates Article 49, paragraph 6.  It follows that the segments of the wall being built by Israel to protect the settlements are ipso facto in violation of international humanitarian law.  Moreover, given the demonstrable great hardship to which the affected Palestinian population is being subjected in and around the enclaves created by those segments of the wall, I seriously doubt that the wall would here satisfy the proportionality requirement to qualify as a legitimate measure of self-defence.

10. A final word is in order regarding my position that the Court should have declined, in the exercise of its discretion, to hear this case.  In this connection, it could be argued that the Court lacked many relevant facts bearing on Israel’s construction of the wall because Israel failed to present them, and that the Court was therefore justified in relying almost exclusively on the United Nations reports submitted to it.  This proposition would be valid if, instead of dealing with an advisory opinion request, the Court had before it a contentious case where each party has the burden of proving its claims.  But that is not the rule applicable to advisory opinion proceedings which have no parties.  Once the Court recognized that Israel’s consent to these proceedings was not necessary since the case was not bought against it and Israel was not a party to it, Israel had no legal obligation to participate in these proceedings or to adduce evidence supporting its claim regarding the legality of the wall.  While I have my own views on whether it was wise for Israel not to produce the requisite information, this is not an issue for me to decide.  The fact remains that it did not have that obligation.  The Court may therefore not draw any adverse evidentiary conclusions from Israel’s failure to supply it or assume, without itself fully enquiring into the matter, that the information and evidence before it is sufficient to support each and every one of its sweeping legal conclusions.

(Signed) Thomas Buergenthal.


Separate opinion of Judge Elaraby

          The nature and scope of United Nations responsibility ¾ The international legal status of the Occupied Palestinian Territory ¾ Historical survey ¾ The law of belligerent occupation, including current situation of prolonged occupation, principle of military necessity, breaches of international humanitarian law and the erga omnes right to self-determination of the Palestinian people.

          I would like to express, at the outset, my complete and unqualified support for the findings and conclusions of the Court.  I consider it necessary, however, to exercise my entitlement under Article 57 of the Statute, to append this separate opinion to elaborate on some of the historical and legal aspects contained in the Advisory Opinion.

          I feel obliged, with considerable reluctance, to start by referring to paragraph 8 of the Advisory Opinion.  In my view, as Judge Lachs wrote in his separate opinion in Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America), Judgment, “A judge ¾ as needs no emphasis ¾ is bound to be impartial, objective, detached, disinterested and unbiased.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 158.)  Throughout the consideration of this Advisory Opinion, I exerted every effort to be guided by this wise maxim which has a wider scope than the solemn declaration every judge makes in conformity with Article 20 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice.

          In this separate opinion, I will address three interrelated points:

    (i)  the nature and scope of the United Nations responsibility;

   (ii)  the international legal status of the Occupied Palestinian Territory;

  (iii)  the law of belligerent occupation.

I. The Nature and Scope of the United Nations Responsibility

          1. The first point to be emphasized is the need to spell out the nature and the wide-ranging scope of the United Nations historical and legal responsibility towards Palestine.  Indeed, the Court has referred to this special responsibility when it held that:          “The responsibility of the United Nations in this matter also has its origin in the Mandate and the Partition Resolution concerning Palestine . . . this responsibility has been manifested by the adoption of many Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, and by the creation of several subsidiary bodies specifically established to assist in the realization of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.”  (Advisory Opinion, para. 49.)

          What I consider relevant to emphasize is that this special responsibility was discharged for five decades without proper regard for the rule of law.  The question of Palestine has dominated the work of the United Nations since its inception, yet no organ has ever requested the International Court of Justice to clarify the complex legal aspects of the matters under its purview.  Decisions with far-reaching consequences were taken on the basis of political expediency, without due regard for the legal requirements.  Even when decisions were adopted, the will to follow through to implementation soon evaporated.  Competent United Nations organs, including the General Assembly and the Security Council, have adopted streams of resolutions that remain wholly or partially unfulfilled.  The United Nations special responsibility has its origin in General Assembly resolution 118 (II) of 29 November 1947 (hereafter, the Partition Resolution).

          Proposals to seek advisory opinions prior to the adoption of the Partition Resolution were considered on many occasions in the competent subsidiary bodies but no request was ever adopted.  This fact by itself confers considerable importance on the request for an advisory opinion embodied in General Assembly resolution ES-10/14 (A/ES-10/L.16), adopted on 8 December 2003, at the 23rd meeting of the resumed Tenth Emergency Special Session.  The request is indeed a landmark in the United Nations consideration of the question of Palestine.  The historical record of some previous attempts to seek the views of the International Court of Justice deserves to be recalled, albeit briefly.

          The report of the Sub-Committee 2 in 1947 to the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question recognized the necessity to clarify the legal issues.  In paragraph 38, it was stated:          “The Sub-Committee examined in detail the legal issues raised by the delegations of Syria and Egypt, and its considered views are recorded in this report.  There is, however, no doubt that it would be advantageous and more satisfactory from all points of view if an advisory opinion on these difficult and complex legal and constitutional issues were obtained from the highest international judicial tribunal.”  (Document A/AC.14/32 and Add. 1, 11 November 1947, para. 38.)

          The “difficult and complex legal and constitutional issues” revolved around:“whether the General Assembly is competent to recommend either of the solutions proposed by the majority and by the minority respectively of the Special Committee, and whether it lies within the power of any Member or group of Members of the United Nations to implement any of the proposed solutions without the consent of the people of Palestine” (ibid., para. 37).

          Several such proposals were considered.  None was adopted.  The Sub-Committee in its report, some two weeks before the vote on the Partition Resolution, recognized that:          “A refusal to submit this question for the opinion of the International Court of Justice would amount to a confession that the General Assembly is determined to make recommendations in a certain direction, not because those recommendations are in accord with the principles of international justice and fairness, but because the majority of the representatives desire to settle the problem in a certain manner, irrespective of what the merits of the question or the legal obligations of the parties might be.  Such an attitude will not serve to enhance the prestige of the United Nations. . . .”  (Ibid., para. 40.)

          The clear and well-reasoned arguments calling for clarification and elucidation of the legal issues fell on deaf ears.  The rush to vote proceeded without clarifying the legal aspects.  In this context, it is relevant to recall that the Partition Resolution fully endorsed referral of “any dispute relating to the application or interpretation”[1] of its provisions to the International Court of Justice.  The referral “shall be at the request of either party”[2].  Needless to say, this avenue was also never followed.

          Thus, the request by the General Assembly for an advisory opinion, as contained in resolution 10/14, represents the first time ever that the International Court of Justice has been consulted by a United Nations organ with respect to any aspect regarding Palestine.  The Advisory Opinion has great historical significance as a landmark which will definitely add to its legal value.

II. The International Legal Status of the Occupied Palestinian Territory

          2.1. The international legal status of the Palestinian Territory (paras. 70-71 of the Advisory Opinion), in my view, merits more comprehensive treatment.  A historical survey is relevant to the question posed by the General Assembly, for it serves as the background to understanding the legal status of the Palestinian Territory on the one hand and underlines the special and continuing responsibility of the General Assembly on the other.  This may appear as academic, without relevance to the present events.  The present is however determined by the accumulation of past events and no reasonable and fair concern for the future can possibly disregard a firm grasp of past events.  In particular, when on more than one occasion, the rule of law was consistently side-stepped.  

          The point of departure, or one can say in legal jargon, the critical date, is the League of Nations Mandate which was entrusted to Great Britain.  As stated in the Preamble of the Mandate for Palestine, the United Kingdom undertook  “to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations”[3].  The Mandate must be considered in the light of the Covenant of the League of Nations.  One of the primary responsibilities of the Mandatory Power was to assist the peoples of the territory to achieve full self-government and independence at the earliest possible date.  Article 22, paragraph 1, of the Covenant stipulated that the “well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation”.  The only limitation imposed by the League’s Covenant upon the sovereignty and full independence of the people of Palestine was the temporary tutelage entrusted to the Mandatory Power.  Palestine fell within the scope of Class A Mandates under Article 22, paragraph 4, of the Covenant, which provided that:          “Certain communities, formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire, have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized, subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a mandatory power until such time as they are able to stand alone.”

          The conventional wisdom and the general expectation were such that when the stage of rendering administrative advice and assistance had been concluded and the Mandate had come to an end, Palestine would be independent as of that date, since its provisional independence as a nation was already legally acknowledged by the Covenant.  Moreover, the Covenant clearly differentiated between the communities which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, and other territories.  Regarding the latter, the Mandatory Power was held responsible for the complete administration of the Palestinian territory and was not confined to administrative advice and assistance[4].  These distinct arrangements can be interpreted as further recognition by the Covenant of the special status of the former Turkish territories which included Palestine.  

          In point of fact, the report submitted by Sub-Committee 2 to the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian question in 1947 shed more light on the status of Palestine.  The report gave the conclusion that:“the people of Palestine are ripe for self-government and that it has been agreed on all hands that they should be made independent at the earliest possible date.  It also follows, from what has been said above, that the General Assembly is not competent to recommend, still less to enforce, any solution other than the recognition of the independence of Palestine.”  (A/AC.14/32, and Add. 1, 11 November 1947, para. 18.)

          The Sub-Committee further submitted the following views:          “It will be recalled that the object of the establishment of Class A Mandates, such as that for Palestine, under Article 22 of the Covenant, was to provide for a temporary tutelage under the Mandatory Power, and one of the primary responsibilities of the Mandatory was to assist the peoples of the mandated territories to achieve full self-government and independence at the earliest opportunity.  It is generally agreed that that stage has now been reached in Palestine, and not only the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine but the Mandatory Power itself agree that the Mandate should be terminated and the independence of Palestine recognized.”  (Ibid., para. 15.)

          2.2. The Court has considered the legal nature of mandated territories in both 1950 (International Status of South West Africa, Advisory Opinion), and in 1971 (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion), and laid down both the conceptual philosophy and the legal parameters for defining the legal status of former mandated territories.  The dicta of the Court emphasized the special responsibility of the international community.  It is to be noted that, in the setting up of the mandates system, the Court held that“two principles were considered to be of paramount importance:  the principle of non-annexation and the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form ‘a sacred trust of civilization’” (I.C.J. Reports 1950, p. 131;  emphasis added).

The two fundamental principles enunciated by the Court in 1950 apply to all former mandated territories which have not gained independence.  They remain valid today for the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  The territory cannot be subject to annexation by force and the future of the Palestinian people, as “a sacred trust of civilization”, is the direct responsibility and concern of the United Nations.

          2.3. It should be borne in mind that General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 29 November 1947, which partitioned the territory of mandated Palestine, called for, inter alia, the following steps to be undertaken:

    (i)  the termination of  the Mandate not later than 1 August 1948;

   (ii)  the establishment of two independent States, one Arab and one Jewish;

  (iii)  the period between the adoption of the Partition Resolution and “the establishment of the independence of the Arab and Jewish States shall be a transitional period”.

          On 14 May 1948, the independence of the Jewish State was declared.  The Israeli declaration was “by virtue of [Israel’s] natural and historic right” and based “on the strength of the resolution of the United Nations General Assembly”[5].  The independence of the Palestinian Arab State has not yet materialized.

          That there “shall be a transitional period” pending the establishment of the two States is a determination by the General Assembly within its sphere of competence and should be binding on all Member States as having legal force and legal consequences[6].  This conclusion finds support in the jurisprudence of the Court.

          The Court has held in the Namibia case that when the General Assembly declared the Mandate to be terminated,“‘South Africa has no other right to administer the Territory’ . . .  This is not a finding on facts, but the formulation of a legal situation.  For it would not be correct to assume that, because the General Assembly is in principle vested with recommendatory powers, it is debarred from adopting, in specific cases within the framework of its competence, resolutions which make determinations or have operative design.”  (Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 50, para. 105.)

          The Court, moreover, has previously held, in the Certain Expenses case, that the decisions of the General Assembly on “important questions” under Article 18, “have dispositive force and effect” (Certain Expenses of the United Nations (Article 17, paragraph 2, of the Charter), Advisory OpinionI.C.J. Reports 1962, p. 163).

          The legal force and effect of a General Assembly resolution adopted by the General Assembly “within the framework of its competence” is therefore well established in the Court’s jurisprudence.  On that basis, it is submitted that two conclusions appear imperative:

(a) the United Nations is under an obligation to pursue the establishment of an independent Palestine, a fact which necessitates that the General Assembly’s special legal responsibility not lapse until the achievement of this objective;

(b) the transitional period referred to in the Partition Resolution serves as a legal nexus with the Mandate.  The notion of a transitional period carrying the responsibilities emanating from the Mandate to the present is a political reality, not a legal fiction, and finds support in the dicta of the Court, in particular, that former mandated territories are the “sacred trust of civilization” and “cannot be annexed”.  The stream of General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on various aspects of the question of Palestine provides cogent proof that this notion of a transitional period is generally, albeit implicitly, accepted.  

          2.4. The legal status of the Occupied Palestinian Territories cannot be fully appreciated without an examination of Israel’s contractual undertakings to respect the territorial integrity of the territory, and to withdraw from the occupied territories.  The withdrawal and the territorial integrity injunctions are based on Security Council resolution 242 (1967) which is universally considered as the basis for a just, viable and comprehensive settlement.  Resolution 242 is a multidimensional resolution which addresses various aspects of the Arab-Israeli dispute.  I will focus only on the territorial dimension of resolution 242:  the resolution contained two basic principles which defined the scope and the status of the territories occupied in 1967 and confirmed that occupied territories have to be “de-occupied”:  resolution 242 emphasized the inadmissibility of acquisition of territory by war, thus prohibiting the annexation of the territories occupied in the 1967 conquest.  It called for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from the territories occupied in the conflict.  On 22 October 1973, the Security Council adopted resolution 338 (1973) which reiterated the necessity to implement resolution 242 “in all of its parts” (S/Res/338 of 22 October 1973, para. 2).

          Following resolution 242, several undertakings to end the Israeli military occupation, while reserving the territorial integrity of the West Bank and Gaza, were made by Israel:  

(a) The Camp David Accords of 17 September 1978, in which Israel agreed that the basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict with its neighbours is United Nations Security Council resolution 242 in all its parts.

(b) The Oslo Accord, signed in Washington, D.C. on 13 September 1993, which was a bilateral agreement between Israel and Palestine.  Article IV of the Oslo Accord provides that “the two sides view the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as a single territorial unit whose integrity will be preserved during the interim period”.

(c)  The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, signed in Washington, D.C. on 28 September 1995, reiterated the commitment to respect the integrity and status of the Territory during the interim period.  In addition, Article XXXI (7) provided that “[n]either side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiations”.

          Thus Israel undertook to carry out the following obligations:

    (i)  to withdraw in conformity with resolution 242;

   (ii)  to respect the territorial integrity of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip;  and

  (iii)  to refrain from taking any step that would change the status of the West Bank and Gaza.  

These undertakings were contractual and are legally binding on Israel.  

          2.5. Yet, notwithstanding the general prohibition against annexing occupied territories, the dicta of the Court on the legal nature of former mandatory territories, and in clear contravention of binding bilateral undertakings, on 14 April 2004, the Prime Minister of Israel addressed a letter to the President of the United States.  Attached to the letter is a Disengagement Plan which one has to interpret as authoritatively reflecting Israel’s intention to annex Palestinian territories.  The Disengagement Plan provides that“it is clear that in the West Bank, there are areas which will be part of the State of Israel, including cities, towns and villages, security areas and installations, and other places of special interest to Israel”.

The clear undertakings to withdraw and to respect the integrity and status of the West Bank and Gaza legally debar Israel from infringing upon or altering the international legal status of the Palestinian territory.  The construction of the wall, with its chosen route and associated régime, has to be read in the light of the Disengagement Plan.  It is safe to assume that the construction was conceived with a view to annexing Palestinian territories, “cities, towns and villages” in the West Bank which “will be part of the State of Israel”.  The letter of the Prime Minister of Israel was dated 14 April 2004, over two months before the delivery of the Advisory Opinion.  

          The Court reached the correct conclusion regarding the characterization of the wall when it held that:“the construction of the wall and its associated régime create a ‘fait accompli’ on the ground that could well become permanent, in which case, and notwithstanding the formal characterization of the wall by Israel, it would be tantamount to de facto annexation” (Advisory Opinion, para. 121).

It is submitted that this finding should have been reflected in the dispositif with an affirmation that the Occupied Palestinian Territory cannot be annexed.  It would also have been appropriate, in my view, to refer to the implications of the letter of the Prime Minister of Israel and its attachments and to underline that what it purports to declare is a breach of Israel’s obligations and contrary to international law.

III. The Law of Belligerent Occupation

          The Court was requested by the General Assembly to urgently render an advisory opinion on “the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory” (A/RES/ES-10/14(A/ES-10/L.16).  The focus of the request evolves around the law of belligerent occupation.  As already stated, I do concur with the reasoning and conclusions in the Advisory Opinion.  I feel constrained, however, to emphasize and elaborate on some points:

(a) the prolonged occupation;

(b) the scope and limitations of the principle of military necessity;

(c)  the grave breaches of international humanitarian law;  and

(d) the right to self-determination.

          3.1. The prohibition of the use of force, as enshrined in Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter, is no doubt the most important principle that emerged in the twentieth century.  It is universally recognized as a jus cogens principle, a peremptory norm from which no derogation is permitted.  The Court recalls in paragraph 87,the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (resolution 2625 (XXV)), which provides an agreed interpretation of Article 2 (4).  The Declaration “emphasized that ‘No territorial acquisition resulting from the threat or use of force shall be recognized as legal.’” (Advisory Opinion, para. 87).  The general principle that an illegal act cannot produce legal rights ¾ ex injuria jus non oritur ¾ is well recognized in international law.  

          The Israeli occupation has lasted for almost four decades.  Occupation, regardless of its duration, gives rise to a myriad of human, legal and political problems.  In dealing with prolonged belligerent occupation, international law seeks to “perform a holding operation pending the termination of the conflict”[7].  No one underestimates the inherent difficulties that arise during situations of prolonged occupation.  A prolonged occupation strains and stretches the applicable rules, however, the law of belligerent occupation must be fully respected regardless of the duration of the occupation.

          Professor Christopher Greenwood provided a correct legal analysis which I share.  He wrote:          “Nevertheless, there is no indication that international law permits an occupying power to disregard provisions of the Regulations or the Convention merely because it has been in occupation for a long period, not least because there is no body of law which might plausibly take their place and no indication that the international community is willing to trust the occupant with carte blanche.”[8]

          Both Israelis and Palestinians are subjected to untold sufferings.  Both Israelis and Palestinians have a right to live in peace and security.  Security Council resolution 242 affirmed the right “of every State in the area . . . to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force” (S/Res/242 (1967), para. 1 (ii)).  These are solemn reciprocal rights which give rise to solemn legal obligations.  The right to ensure and enjoy security applies to the Palestinians as well as to the Israelis.  Security cannot be attained by one party at the expense of the other.  By the same token of corresponding rights and obligations, the two sides have a reciprocal obligation to scrupulously respect and comply with the rules of international humanitarian law by respecting the rights, dignity and property of the civilians.  Both sides are under a legal obligation to measure their actions by the identical yardstick of international humanitarian law which provides protection for the civilian population.  

          The Court has very clearly held, in the Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons case, that          “The cardinal principles contained in the texts constituting the fabric of humanitarian law are the following.  The first is aimed at the protection of the civilian population and civilian objects and establishes the distinction between combatants and non-combatants; States must never make civilians the object of attack and must consequently never use weapons that are incapable of distinguishing between civilian and military targets.  According to the second principle, it is prohibited to cause unnecessary suffering to combatants: it is accordingly prohibited to use weapons causing them such harm or uselessly aggravating their suffering.  In application of that second principle, States do not have unlimited freedom of choice of means in the weapons they use.”  (Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 257, para. 78.)

          The fact that occupation is met by armed resistance cannot be used as a pretext to disregard fundamental human rights in the occupied territory.  Throughout the annals of history, occupation has always been met with armed resistance.  Violence breeds violence.  This vicious circle weighs heavily on every action and every reaction by the occupier and the occupied alike.  

          The dilemma was pertinently captured by Professors Richard Falk and Burns Weston when they wrote“the occupier is confronted by threats to its security that arise . . . primarily, and especially in the most recent period, from a pronounced and sustained failure to restrict the character and terminate its occupation so as to restore the sovereign rights of the inhabitants.  Israeli occupation, by its substantial violation of Palestinian rights, has itself operated as an inflaming agent that threatens the security of its administration of the territory, inducing reliance on more and more brutal practices to restore stability which in turn provokes the Palestinians even more.  In effect, the illegality of the Israeli occupation regime itself set off an escalatory spiral of resistance and repression, and under these conditions all considerations of morality and reason establish a right of resistance inherent in the population.  This right of resistance is an implicit legal corollary of the fundamental legal rights associated with the primacy of sovereign identity and assuring the humane protection of the inhabitants.”[9]

          I wholeheartedly subscribe to the view expressed by Professors Falk and Weston, that the breaches by both sides of the fundamental rules of humanitarian law reside in “the illegality of the Israeli occupation regime itself”.  Occupation, as an illegal and temporary situation, is at the heart of the whole problem.  The only viable prescription to end the grave violations of international humanitarian law is to end occupation.  

          The Security Council has more than once called for ending the occupation.  On 30 June 1980, the Security Council reaffirmed “the overriding necessity for ending the prolonged occupation of Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem” (S/Res/476 (1980).  Notwithstanding this clarion call, the Palestinians are still languishing under a heavy-handed, prolonged occupation.

          3.2. The Court, in paragraph 135, rejected the contention that the principle of military necessity can be invoked to justify the construction of the wall.  The Court held that:          “However, on the material before it, the Court is not convinced that the destructions carried out contrary to the prohibition in Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention were rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.”  (Advisory Opinion, para. 135.)

          I fully share this finding.  Military necessities and military exigencies could arguably be advanced as justification for building the wall had Israel proven that it could perceive no other alternative for safeguarding its security.  This, as the Court notes, Israel failed to demonstrate.  A distinction must be drawn between building the wall as a security measure, as Israel contends, and accepting that the principle of military necessity could be invoked to justify the unwarranted destruction and demolition that accompanied the construction process.  Military necessity, if applicable, extends to the former and not the latter.  The magnitude of the damage and injury inflicted upon the civilian inhabitants in the course of building the wall and its associated régime is clearly prohibited under international humanitarian law.  The destruction of homes, the demolition of the infrastructure, and the despoilment of land, orchards and olive groves that has accompanied the construction of the wall cannot be justified under any pretext whatsoever.  Over 100,000 civilian non-combatants have been rendered homeless and hapless.

          It is a fact that the law of belligerent occupation contains clauses which confer on the occupying Power a limited leeway for military necessities and security.  As in every exception to a general rule, it has to be interpreted in a strict manner with a view to preserving the basic humanitarian considerations.  The Secretary-General reported to the General Assembly on 24 November 2003 that he recognizes “Israel’s right and duty to protect its people against terrorist attacks.  However, that duty should not be carried out in a way that is in contradiction to international law.”  (A/ES-10/248, para. 30.)

          The jurisprudence of the Court has been consistent.  In the 1948 Corfu Channel case, the Court referred to the core and fabric of the rules of humanitarian law as “elementary considerations of humanity, even more exacting in peace than in war” (Corfu Channel, Preliminary Objection, Judgment, 1948, I.C.J. Reports 1947-1948, p. 22).  In the case concerning Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons case, the Court held that“these fundamental rules are to be observed by all States whether or not they have ratified the conventions that contain them, because they constitute intransgressible principles of international customary law” (Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear WeaponsI.C.J. Reports 1996 (I), p. 257, para. 79).  

          In the final analysis, I have reached the same conclusion as Professor Michael Schmitt, that          “Military necessity operates within this paradigm to prohibit acts that are not militarily necessary;  it is a principle of limitation, not authorization.  In its legal sense, military necessity justifies nothing.” [10]

The Court reached the same conclusion.  The Court held that          “In the light of the material before it, the Court is not convinced that the construction of the wall along the route chosen was the only means to safeguard the interests of Israel against the peril which it has invoked as justification for that construction.”  (Advisory Opinion, para. 140.)

          3.3 It is relevant to recall, moreover, that the reading of the reports by the two Special Rapporteurs, John Dugard and Jean Ziegler, leaves no doubt that as an occupying Power, Israel has committed grave breaches.  The pattern and the magnitude of the violations committed against the non-combatant civilian population in the ancillary measures associated with constructing the wall, are, in my view, “[e]xtensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly” (Fourth Geneva Convention, Art. 147).  In the area of extending protection to civilians, the rules of international humanitarian law have progressively developed since the conclusion of the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols.  It is submitted that the Court should have contributed to the development of the rules of jus in bello by characterizing the destruction committed in the course of building the wall as grave breaches.  

          3.4. The Court underlined the paramount importance of the right to self-determination in our contemporary world and held in paragraph 88:  “The Court indeed made it clear that the right of peoples to self-determination is today a right erga omnes (see East Timor (Portugal v. Australia), Judgment, I.C.J. Reports 1995, p. 102, para. 29).”  Moreover, the Court notes that the route chosen for the wall and the measures taken “severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination, and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right” (Advisory Opinion, para. 122).  This legally authoritative dictum, which has my full support, was confined to the reasoning.  The legal consequences that flow for all States from measures which severely impede the exercise by the Palestinians of an erga omnes right, should, in my view, have been included in the dispositif.

Conclusion

          I now approach my final comment.  It is a reflection on the future.  The Court, in paragraph 162, observes that in its view“this tragic situation can be brought to an end only through implementation in good faith of all relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973)”  (Advisory Opinion, para. 162).

          This finding by the Court reflects a lofty objective that has eluded the international community for a very long time.  Since 22 November 1967, all efforts have been aimed at ensuring the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) which was adopted unanimously.  In the course of its 37-year lifespan, Security Council resolution 242 has been both praised and vilified.  Yet detractors and supporters alike agree that the balance in its provisions represent the only acceptable basis for establishing a viable and just peace.  The Security Council, in the aftermath of the 1973 armed conflict, adopted resolution 338 (1973), which called upon the parties to start immediately after the ceasefire “the immediate implementation of 242 (1967) in all of its parts” (emphasis added).  The obligations emanating from these resolutions are obligations of result of paramount importance.  They are synallagmatic obligations in which the obligation of each party constitutes the raison d’êtreof the obligation of the other.  It is legally wrong and politically unsound to transform this obligation of result into a mere obligation of means, confining it to a negotiating process.  Any attempt to tamper with such solemn obligation would not contribute to an outcome based on a solid foundation of law and justice.

          The establishment of “a just and lasting peace”, as called for in Security Council resolution 242, necessitates the full implementation of the corresponding obligations by the two parties.  The Advisory Opinion should herald a new era as the first concrete manifestation of a meaningful administration of justice related to Palestine.  It is hoped that it will provide the impetus to steer and direct the long-dormant quest for a just peace.

(Signed) Nabil Elaraby.

___________

___________________

[1]No. 181 (II), resolution adopted on the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question (29 November 1947), Chap. 4, para. 2.

[2]Ibid.

[3]Preamble, CMD. No. 1785 (1923), reprinted in report of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP report).

[4]Covenant of the League of Nations, Article 22.

[5]Laws of the State of Israel, Vol. I, p. 3.

[6]Moreover, Judge Weeramantry, in his dissenting opinion in the East Timor case, considered that “a resolution containing a decision within its proper sphere of competence may well be productive of legal consequences” (East Timor (Portugal v. Australia)I.C.J. Reports 1995, p. 186;  emphasis added).  

[7]C. Greenwood, “The Administration of Occupied Territory in International Law”, International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories, (Ed. by E. Playfair, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992), pp. 262-263.

[8]Ibid.

[9]Falk & Weston, “The Relevance of International Law to Israeli and Palestinian Rights in the West Bank and Gaza”, International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories (ed. by E. Playfair, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992), Chap. 3, pp. 146-147.   

[10]M. N. Schmitt, “Bellum Americanum: The U.S. View of Twenty-First Century War and its Possible Implications for the Law of Armed Conflict” (1998), 19 Michigan Journal of International Law, p. 1080


Separate opinion of Judge Owada

          The issue of judicial propriety in exercising jurisdiction in advisory proceedings is a factor to be examined by the Court proprio motu, if necessary ¾ Relevance of the existence of a bilateral dispute in the subject-matter of the request as such is not to be a bar for the Court in exercising jurisdiction, but nonetheless a factor to be considered in determining how the Court should deal with the subject-matter of the request without impingeing upon the problem of regulating the very dispute between the parties ¾ The Court should have approached the issue of exercising judicial propriety, not simply in relation to the question as to whether it should comply with the request for an advisory opinion, but also in relation to the question as to how it should exercise jurisdiction with a view to ensuring fairness in the administration of justice in a case which clearly is related to a bilateral dispute, including the issue of appointing a judge ad hoc¾ Consideration of fairness in the administration of justice requires equitable treatment of the positions of both sides involved in the subject-matter in terms of the assessment both of facts and of law involved ¾ Condemnation of the tragic circle of indiscriminate mutual violence perpetrated by both sides against innocent civilian population should be an important segment of the Opinion of the Court.

          1. I concur with the conclusions of the Opinion of the Court both on the preliminary issues (jurisdiction and judicial propriety) and on most of the points belonging to the merits of the substantive issues involved.  Nevertheless, not only have I some disagreements on certain specific points in the Opinion, but I have some serious reservations about the way the Court has proceeded in this case.  While I acknowledge that the way in which the Court has proceeded with the present case has to a large extent been made inevitable under the somewhat extraordinary and unique circumstances of the case that are not always attributable to the responsibility of the Court, I feel it incumbent upon me to make my position clear, by pointing to some of the problematic aspects of the way in which the Court has proceeded in the present case.

          2. The Court has reached its conclusions on the preliminary issues on jurisdiction and on judicial propriety of exercising this jurisdiction primarily on the basis of the statements put forward by the participants in the course of its written and oral proceedings.  The reasons for the Court to arrive at these conclusions are set out in paragraphs 24-67.  These, as such, raise no major disagreement on my part.  However, I believe that the issue of jurisdiction and especially the issue of judicial propriety is a matter that the Court should examine, proprio motu if necessary, in order to ensure that it is not only right as a matter of law but also proper as a matter of judicial policy for the Court as a judicial body to exercise jurisdiction in the concrete context of the case.  This means, at least to my mind, that the Court would be required to engage in an in-depth scrutiny of all aspects of the particular circumstances of the present case relevant to the consideration of the case, if necessary going beyond what has been argued by the participants.  One of such aspects of the present case is the implication of the existence of a bilateral dispute in the subject-matter of the request for an advisory opinion.  

          3. The original Statute of the Permanent Court of International Justice contained no express provisions relating to advisory jurisdiction.  Only the Covenant of the League of Nations, in its Article 14, stipulated that “[t]he Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly”.  It was this provision that came to form the legal basis for the exercise of advisory function by the Permanent Court of International Justice.

          4. While the purport of this provision according to the intention of the founding fathers of the League does not appear to have been entirely clear nor unified, one of the points that clearly emerge from the legislative history of the Covenant is that the purpose of the advisory function of the Permanent Court consisted from the beginning in aiding the League in the peaceful settlement of a concrete dispute before the Council of the League, in particular in the context of the procedures provided for in Articles 12 to 16 of the Covenant[1].

          5. When the Rules of Court were drafted in 1922 following the establishment of the Permanent Court, four articles (71-74) were consecrated to advisory procedure.  They affirmed the “judicial character” of the advisory function of the new Court and paved the way for the later fuller assimilation of advisory to contentious procedure[2].  Indeed, the Report of the Committee [of the Permanent Court of International Justice], appointed on 2 September 1927, stated as follows:          “The Statute does not mention advisory opinions, but leaves to the Court the entire regulation of its procedure in the matter.  The Court, in the exercise of this power, deliberately and advisedly assimilated its advisory procedure to its contentious procedure;  and the results have abundantly justified its action.  Such prestige as the Court to-day enjoys as a judicial tribunal is largely due to the amount of its advisory business and the judicial way in which it has dealt with such business.  In reality, where there are . . . contending parties, the difference between contentious cases and advisory cases is only nominal.  The main difference is the way in which the case comes before the Court, and even this difference may virtually disappear, as it did in the Tunisian case.  So the view that advisory opinions are not binding is more theoretical than real.”  (P.C.I.J., Series E, No. 4, p. 76.)

          6. In fact, when the Permanent Court declined to exercise jurisdiction to give a requested advisory opinion in the Status of Eastern Carelia case (P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 5), the main rationale of this decision lay precisely on this point.  The specific issue referred to the Court was whether“Articles 10 and 11 of the Treaty of Peace between Finland and Russia [of 1920] and the annexed Declaration of the Russian Delegation regarding the autonomy of Eastern Carelia, constitute engagements of an international character which place Russia under an obligation to Finland as to the carrying out of the provisions contained therein” (ibid., p. 6).

In other words, it arose in the context of a dispute between Finland and Russia involving this issue ¾ a matter which Finland asked the League of Nations to take up.  The Council in its resolution expressed its “willing[ness] to consider the question with a view to arriving at a satisfactory solution if the two parties concerned agree” (ibid., p. 23).  It was, however, due to the circumstances where the Russian Government declined the request from the Estonian Government for it to “consent to submit the question to the Council in conformity with Article 17 of the Covenant” (ibid., p. 24) and where the Finnish Government again brought the matter before the Council, that the Council decided to request the advisory opinion in question.

          7. Against this background, the Permanent Court stated as follows to clarify its position:“There has been some discussion as to whether questions for an advisory opinion, if they relate to matters which form the subject of a pending dispute between nations, should be put to the Court without the consent of the parties.  It is unnecessary in the present case to deal with this topic.”  (P.C.I.J., Series B, No. 5, p. 27;  emphasis added.)

          After making this point clear, the Permanent Court continued as follows:          “It follows from the above that the opinion which the Court has been requested to give bears on an actual dispute between Finland and Russia.  As Russia is not Member of the League of Nations, the case is one under Article 17 of the Covenant . . . the Members of the League . . . having accepted the Covenant, are under the obligation resulting from the provisions of this part dealing with the pacific settlement of international disputes.  As concerns States not members of the League, the situation is quite different;  they are not bound by the Covenant.  The submission, therefore, of a dispute between them and a Member of the League for solution according to the methods provided for in the Covenant, could take place only by virtue of their consent.  Such consent, however, has never been given by Russia.”  (Ibid., pp. 27-28;  emphasis added.)[3]

It is clear from this passage that the main rationale of the Permanent Court in declining the exercise of jurisdiction in the Eastern Carelia case was not the existence of a dispute relating to the subject-matter of the request between the parties, but rather the fact that one of the parties to the dispute did not give its consent to a “solution according to the methods provided for in the Covenant”.

          8. When the International Court of Justice was reconstituted as the institutional successor to the Permanent Court of International Justice, and incorporated into the United Nations system as its principal judicial organ, no drastic change was introduced in the new Statute of the International Court of Justice relating to its functions or to its constitution in this respect.  Since then, advisory function of the Court, as the secondary but important function of the Court, has been exercised by the Court in line with the course laid down by its predecessor, the Permanent Court of International Justice, in the days of the League as described above.

          9. Given this background, and in light of the case law accumulated in the course of years since the establishment of the International Court of Justice on the questions of jurisdiction of the Court in advisory proceedings and of propriety of its exercise, it is my view that the Court is right in its conclusion in the present case that the existence of a dispute on a bilateral basis should not be a bar to the Court in giving the advisory opinion requested.

          10. While the existence of a bilateral dispute thus should not exclude the Court from exercising jurisdiction in advisory proceedings as a matter of judicial propriety, however, it is my view that the existence of a bilateral dispute should be a factor to be taken into account by the Court in determining the extent to which, and the manner in which, the Court should exercise jurisdiction in such advisory proceedings.  In this respect, I am of the view that the Court has drawn too facile an analogy between the present case and the past cases of advisory opinion and especially the case concerning Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion.  Given the intricacies of the present case, I submit that this approach of applying the principles drawn from the past precedents automatically to the present situation is not quite warranted.

          11. Especially in the Namibia case, the point in issue that formed the basis for the request for an advisory opinion was the “legal consequences . . . of the continued presence of South Africa in Namibia . . . notwithstanding Security Council resolution 276 (1970)”.  In spite of the similarity in language in the formulation of the request, the basis for this request was very different from the present one.  In the Namibia case, the Court was asked to give an opinion on the legal significance of the action taken by the United Nations in terminating the South African Mandate over South West Africa and its legal impact upon the status of South Africa in that territory.  If there was a legal controversy or a dispute, it was precisely the one between the United Nations and the State concerned.  By contrast, what is in issue in the present situation centres on a situation created by the action of Israel vis-à-vis Palestine in relation to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.  It is undeniable that there is in this case an underlying legal controversy or a dispute between the parties directly involved in this situation, while at the same time, as the Court correctly points out, it concerns a matter between the United Nations and Israel since the legal interest of the United Nations is legitimately involved.

          12. This of course is not to say that the Court should decline for this reason the exercise of jurisdiction in the present case.  It does mean, however, that the question of judicial propriety should be examined taking into account this reality, and on the basis of the jurisprudence in more pertinent cases.  I believe the closest to the present case probably is the Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion case, in the sense that there was in that case clearly an underlying legal controversy or a dispute between the parties involved.  However, even that case does not offer a completely analogous precedent, from which the Court can draw its conclusion.  In the Western Sahara case, the Court stated:          “The object of the General Assembly has not been to bring before the Court, by way of a request for advisory opinion, a dispute or legal controversy, in order that it may later, on the basis of the Court’s opinion, exercise its powers and functions for the peaceful settlement of that dispute or controversy.  The object of the request is an entirely different one:  to obtain from the Court an opinion which the General Assembly deems of assistance to it for the proper exercise of its functions concerning the decolonization of the territory.” (I.C.J. Reports 1975, pp. 26-27, para. 39;  emphasis added.)

In the present case, the presumed objective of the General Assembly in requesting an advisory opinion would not seem to be the latter so much as the former in the two examples given in this passage.

          13. Thus, acknowledging the fact that in the present case there is this undeniable aspect of an underlying legal controversy or a dispute between the parties involved, and keeping this aspect clearly in mind, I wish to state that the critical test for judicial propriety in exercising jurisdiction of the Court, which it undoubtedly has, should lie, not in whether the request is related to a concrete legal controversy or dispute in existence, but in whether “to give a reply would have the effect of circumventing the principle that a State is not obliged to allow its disputes to be submitted to judicial settlement without its consent” (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 25, para. 33;  emphasis added).  To put it differently, the critical criterion for judicial propriety in the final analysis should lie in the Court seeing to it that giving a reply in the form of an advisory opinion on the subject-matter of the request should not be tantamount to adjudicating on the very subject-matter of the underlying concrete bilateral dispute that currently undoubtedly exists between Israel and Palestine.

          14. The reasoning that I have offered above leads me to the following two conclusions.  First, the fact that the present case contains an aspect of addressing a bilateral dispute should not prevent the Court from exercising its competence.  Second, however, this fact should have certain important bearing on the whole proceedings that the Court is to conduct in the present case, in the sense that the Court in the present advisory proceedings should focus its task on offering its objective findings of law to the extent necessary and useful to the requesting organ, the General Assembly, in carrying out its functions relating to this question, rather than adjudicating on the subject-matter of the dispute between the parties concerned.

          15. It should be recalled that, even when deciding to exercise its advisory function, this Court has consistently maintained the position that it should remain faithful to “the requirements of its judicial character”.  Thus in the Western Sahara case the Court declared:          “Article 65, paragraph 1, of the Statute, which establishes the power of the Court to give an advisory opinion, is permissive and, under it, that power is of a discretionary character.  In exercising this discretion, the International Court of Justice, like the Permanent Court of International Justice, has always been guided by the principle that, as a judicial body, it is bound to remain faithful to the requirements of its judicial character even in giving advisory opinions.”  (Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 21, para. 23;  emphasis added.)

          16. One of such requirements for the Court as a judicial body is the maintenance of fairness in its administration of justice in the advisory procedure in the midst of divergent positions and interests among the interested parties.  To put it differently, it must be underlined that the Court’s discretion in advisory matters is not limited to the question of whether to comply with a request.  It also embraces questions of advisory procedure[4].  This requirement acquires a special importance in the present case, as we accept the undeniable fact as developed above that the present case does relate to an underlying concrete legal controversy or a dispute, despite my own conclusion that it is proper for the Court to exercise its jurisdiction in the present case.

          17. Article 68 of the Statute of the Court prescribes that “[i]n the exercise of its advisory functions the Court shall further be guided by the provisions of the present Statute which apply in contentious cases to the extent to which it recognizes them to be applicable.”  Rules of Court in its Part IV (Arts. 102-109) elaborates this provision of the Statute.  Particularly relevant in this context is Article 102, paragraph 3 of which provides that “[w]hen an advisory opinion is requested upon a legal question actually pending between two or more States, Article 31 of the Statute shall apply, as also the provision of these Rules concerning the application of that Article.”

          18. In the Namibia case, South Africa made an application for the appointment of a judge ad hoc to sit in the present proceedings in accordance with this provision.  Although the Court in its Order of 29 January 1971 decided to reject this application (I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 12), it was met with well-argued dissenting views on this point (ibid., p. 308;  p. 324).  By contrast, in the Western Sahara case the Court took a different position.  In response to a request by Morocco for the appointment of a judge ad hoc in accordance with Article 89 (i.e., present Art. 102) of the Rules of Court, the Court found that Morocco was entitled to choose a judge ad hoc in the proceedings.  (A similar request by Mauritania on the other hand was rejected.)  (I.C.J. Reports 1975, p. 6.)

          19. The procedure for the appointment of a judge ad hoc is set in motion by the application of a State which claims that “the request for the advisory opinion relates to a legal question actually pending between two or more States” (Rules of Court, Art. 102).  It is my view that in light of the precedents noted above, Israel in its special position in the present case would have been justified in making an application to choose a judge ad hoc.  For whatever reason, Israel did not choose this course of action.  It if had done so, the task of the Court in maintaining the essential requirement for fairness in the administration of justice would have been greatly enhanced.  It goes without saying that such a course of action would have complicated the situation, due to the fact that the other party to this dispute, Palestine, is an entity which is not recognized as a State for the purpose of the Statute of the Court.  What would happen then, if one of the parties directly interested is in a position of appointing a judge ad hoc, while the other is not.  Fairness in the administration of justice could be questioned from this angle.  While I do not propose to offer my own conclusion to this intractable but hypothetical problem, what I wish to point out is that this factor is one of the important aspects of the present case that could have been considered by the Court in deciding on the question of judicial propriety of whether, and if so how far, the Court should exercise its jurisdiction in the unique circumstances of this case.

          20. Be that as it may, it is established that even in contentious proceedings the absence of one of the parties in itself does not deprive the Court of its jurisdiction to proceed (Statute of the Court, Art. 53), but that the Court has to maintain its fairness in the administration of justice as a court of justice.  Thus, in relation to the question of the law to be proved and applied, the Court stated in the cases concerning Fisheries Jurisdiction as follows:          “The Court . . . as an international judicial organ, is deemed to take judicial notice of international law and is therefore required in a case falling under Article 53 of the Statute, as in any other case, to consider on its own initiative all rules of international law which may be relevant to the settlement of the dispute.  It being the duty of the Court itself to ascertain and apply the relevant law in the given circumstances of the case, the burden of establishing or proving rules of international law cannot be imposed upon any of the Parties, for the law lies within the judicial knowledge of the Court.”  (I.C.J. Reports 1974, p. 181, para. 18.)

In relation to the question of the facts to be clarified, the Court in the case concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua, (Merits) stated that:“in principle [it] is not bound to confine its consideration to the material formally submitted to it by the parties (cf. Brazilian Loans, P.C.I.J. Series A, No. 20/21, p. 124;  Nuclear Tests, I.C.J. Reports 1974, pp. 263-264, paras. 31, 32)” (I.C.J. Reports 1986, p. 25, para. 30).

It went on to state as follows:          “The Court . . . has thus to strike a balance.  On the one hand, it is valuable for the Court to know the views of both parties in whatever form those views may have been expressed.  Further, as the Court noted in 1974, where one party is not appearing ‘it is especially incumbent upon the Court to satisfy itself that it is in possession of all the available facts’ (Nuclear Tests, I.C.J. Reports 1974, p. 263, para. 31;  p. 468, para. 32.).  On the other hand, the Court has to emphasize that the equality of the parties to the dispute must remain the basic principle for the Court.” (I.C.J. Reports 1986, pp. 25-26, para. 31.)

          21. This principle governing the basic position of the Court should be applicable to advisory proceedings as it is applicable to contentious proceedings.  Indeed, it may even be arguable that this principle is applicable a fortiori to advisory proceedings, in the sense that in advisory proceedings as distinct from contentious proceedings it cannot be said, at any rate in the legal sense, that “[t]he absent party . . . forfeits the opportunity to counter the factual allegations of its opponent” (Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of America)I.C.J. Reports 1986, p.  25, para. 30).  In advisory proceedings no State, however interested a party it may be, is under the obligation to appear before the Court to present its case.

          22. On this point of facts and information relating to the present case, it is undoubtedly true, as the present Opinion states, that“the Court has at its disposal the report of the Secretary-General, as well as a voluminous dossier submitted by him to the Court, comprising not only detailed information on the route of the wall but also on its humanitarian and socio-economic impact on the Palestinian population” (Advisory Opinion, para. 57).

Indeed, there is ample material, in particular, about the humanitarian and socio-economic impacts of the construction of the wall.  Their authenticity and reliability is not in doubt.  What seems to be wanting, however, is the material explaining the Israeli side of the picture, especially in the context of why and how the construction of the wall as it is actually planned and implemented is necessary and appropriate.

          23. This, to my mind, would seem to be the case, in spite of the Court’s assertion that “Israel’s Written Statement, although limited to issues of jurisdiction and propriety, contained observations on other matters, including Israel’s concerns in terms of security, and was accompanied by corresponding annexes” (Advisory Opinion, para. 57).  In fact my point would seem to be corroborated by what the present Opinion itself acknowledges in relation to the argument of Israel on this issue.  Israel has argued that the wall’s sole purpose is to enable it effectively to combat terrorist attacks launched from the West Bank, or as the report of the Secretary-General puts it, “to halt infiltration into Israel from the central and northern West Bank” (Advisory Opinion, para. 80).  However, the Court, in paragraph 137 of the Opinion, simply states that “from the material available to it, [it] is not convinced that the specific course Israel has chosen for the wall was necessary to attain its security objectives” (emphasis added).  It seems clear to me that here the Court is in effect admitting the fact that elaborate material on this point from the Israeli side is not available, rather than engaging in a rebuttal of the arguments of Israel on

the basis of the material that might have been made available by Israel on this point.  Again in paragraph 140 of the Opinion, the Court bases itself simply on “the material before it” to express its lack of conviction that “the construction of the wall along the route chosen was the only means to safeguard the interests of Israel against the peril which it has invoked as justification for that construction”.

          24. In raising this point, it is not my purpose to dispute the factual accuracy of these assertions, or to question the conclusions arrived at on the basis of the documents and the material available to the Court.  In fact it would seem reasonable to conclude on balance that the political, social, economic and humanitarian impacts of the construction of the wall, as substantiated by ample evidence supplied and documented in the course of the present proceedings, is such that the construction of the wall would constitute a violation of international obligations under various international instruments to which Israel is a party.  Furthermore, these impacts are so overwhelming that I am ready to accept that no justification based on the “military exigencies”, even if fortified by substantiated facts, could conceivably constitute a valid basis for precluding the wrongfulness of the act on the basis of the stringent conditions of proportionality.

          25. However, that is not the point.  What is crucial is that the above samples of quotations from the present Opinion testify to my point that the Court, once deciding to exercise jurisdiction in this case, should be extremely careful not only in ensuring the objective fairness in the result, but in seeing to it that the Court is seen to maintain fairness throughout the proceedings, whatever the final conclusion that we come to may be in the end.

          26. The question put to the Court for its advisory opinion is the specific question of “the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel” (General Assembly resolution A/ES-10/L.16).  It concerns only that specific act of Israel.  Needless to say, however, the Israeli construction of the wall has not come about in a vacuum;  it is a part, albeit an extremely important part, of the whole picture of the situation surrounding the peace in the Middle East with its long history.

          27. Naturally, this does not alter the fact that the request for an advisory opinion is focussed on a specific question and that the Court should treat this question, and this question only, without expanding the scope of its enquiry into the bigger question relating to the peace in the Middle East, including issues relating to the “permanent status” of the territories involved.  Nevertheless, from the viewpoint of getting to an objective truth concerning the specific question of the construction of the wall in its complete picture and of ensuring fairness in the administration of justice in this case which involves the element of a dispute between parties directly involved, it seems of cardinal importance that the Court examine this specific question assigned to the Court, keeping in balance the overall picture which has formed the entire background of the construction of the wall.

          28. It has always been an undisputed premise of the peace in the Middle East that the twin principles of “[w]ithdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the [1967] conflict” and “[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force” have to form the basis of the peace.  Security Council resolution 242 (1967) has consecrated these principles in so many words.  The “Roadmap”, endorsed by Security Council resolution 1515 (2003), is a blueprint for proceeding on the basis of these principles.

          29. If the Court found that the construction of the wall would go counter to this principle by impeding and prejudicing the realization of the principles, especially in the context of the customary rule of “the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war” (Advisory Opinion, para. 117), it should state this.  At the same time, the Court should remind the General Assembly that this was a principle couched in the context of the twin set of principles, both of which would have to be realized, at any rate in the context of a peace in the Middle East, side by side with each other.

          30. As observed above, Israel has argued that the wall’s sole purpose is to enable it effectively to combat terrorist attacks launched from the West Bank.  In response to this, the Court has confined itself to stating that “[i]n the light of the material before it, the Court is not convinced that the construction of the wall along the route chosen was the only means to safeguard the interests of Israel against the peril which it has invoked as justification for that construction” (Advisory Opinion, para. 140).  It is certainly understood that the material available has not included an elaboration on this point, and that in the absence of such material, the Court has found no other way for responding to this situation.  It may also be accepted that this argument of Israel, even if acknowledged as true as far as the Israeli motives were concerned, would not be a sufficient ground for justifying the construction of the wall as it has actually been drawn up and implemented.  As the Court has demonstrated with a high degree of persuasiveness, the construction of the wall would still constitute a breach of Israel’s obligations, inter alia, under the Hague Regulations Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, unless cogent justifications are advanced for precluding the wrongfulness of this act.  But the important point is that an in-depth effort could have been made by the Court, proprio motu, to ascertain the validity of this argument on the basis of facts and law, and to present an objective picture surrounding the construction of the wall in its entirety, on the basis of which to assess the merits of the contention of Israel.

          31. It is to my mind important in this context that the issue of mutual resort to indiscriminate violence against civilian population should be looked at.  Without going into the question of what is the causal relationship between the tragic acts of mutual violence resorted to by each of the parties and the question of whether the so-called terrorist attacks by Palestinian suicide bombers against the Israeli civilian population should be blamed as constituting a good enough ground for justifying the construction of the wall, I believe it is beyond dispute that this tragic circle of indiscriminate violence perpetrated by both sides against innocent civilian population of each other is to be condemned and rejected as totally unacceptable.  While it is true that this is not an issue expressly referred to as part of the specific question put to the Court, I believe it should only be natural that this factor be underlined as an important segment of the Opinion of the Court in dealing with the issue of the construction of the wall.  This point to my mind is of particular relevance from the viewpoint that the Court should approach the subject-matter in a balanced way.

(Signed) Hisashi Owada.

___________

_____________

[1]See, in particular, Michla Pomerance, The Advisory Function of the International Court in the League and U.N. Eras (1973) at p. 9.

[2]Ibid., at p. 14.

[3]Article 17 of the Covenant provides:               “In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League and a State which is not a Member of the League, or between States not Members of the League, the State or States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem just.  If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of Articles 12 to 16 inclusive shall be applied with such modifications as may be deemed necessary by the Council.”

[4]Michla Pomerance, op. cit., at p. 281.

EINDE STUK
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICELEGAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSTRUCTION OFA WALL IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORY
https://www.icj-cij.org/en/case/131

OVERVIEW OF THE CASE

By resolution ES-10/14, adopted on 8 December 2003 at its Tenth Emergency Special Session, the General Assembly decided to request the Court for an advisory opinion on the following question :

“What are the legal consequences arising from the construction of the wall being built by Israel, the occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem, as described in the Report of the Secretary-General, considering the rules and principles of international law, including the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, and relevant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions ?”

The resolution requested the Court to render its opinion “urgently”. The Court decided that all States entitled to appear before it, as well as Palestine, the United Nations and subsequently, at their request, the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, were likely to be able to furnish information on the question in accordance with Article 66, paragraphs 2 and 3, of the Statute. Written statements were submitted by 45 States and four international organizations, including the European Union. At the oral proceedings, which were held from 23 to 25 February 2004, 12 States, Palestine and two international organizations made oral submissions. The Court rendered its Advisory Opinion on 9 July 2004.

The Court began by finding that the General Assembly, which had requested the advisory opinion, was authorized to do so under Article 96, paragraph 1, of the Charter. It further found that the question asked of it fell within the competence of the General Assembly pursuant to Articles 10, paragraph 2, and 11 of the Charter. Moreover, in requesting an opinion of the Court, the General Assembly had not exceeded its competence, as qualified by Article 12, paragraph 1, of the Charter, which provides that while the Security Council is exercising its functions in respect of any dispute or situation the Assembly must not make any recommendation with regard thereto unless the Security Council so requests. The Court further observed that the General Assembly had adopted resolution ES-10/14 during its Tenth Emergency Special Session, convened pursuant to resolution 377 A (V), whereby, in the event that the Security Council has failed to exercise its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, the General Assembly may consider the matter immediately with a view to making recommendations to Member States. Rejecting a number of procedural objections, the Court found that the conditions laid down by that resolution had been met when the Tenth Emergency Special Session was convened, and in particular when the General Assembly decided to request the opinion, as the Security Council had at that time been unable to adopt a resolution concerning the construction of the wall as a result of the negative vote of a permanent member. Lastly, the Court rejected the argument that an opinion could not be given in the present case on the ground that the question posed was not a legal one, or that it was of an abstract or political nature.

Having established its jurisdiction, the Court then considered the propriety of giving the requested opinion. It recalled that lack of consent by a State to its contentious jurisdiction had no bearing on its advisory jurisdiction, and that the giving of an opinion in the present case would not have the effect of circumventing the principle of consent to judicial settlement, since the subject-matter of the request was located in a much broader frame of reference than that of the bilateral dispute between Israel and Palestine, and was of direct concern to the United Nations. Nor did the Court accept the contention that it should decline to give the advisory opinion requested because its opinion could impede a political, negotiated settlement to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It further found that it had before it sufficient information and evidence to enable it to give its opinion, and empha- sized that it was for the General Assembly to assess the opinion’s usefulness. The Court accordingly concluded that there was no compelling reason precluding it from giving the requested opinion.

Turning to the question of the legality under international law of the construction of the wall by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Court first determined the rules and principles of international law relevant to the question posed by the General Assembly. After recalling the customary principles laid down in Article 2, paragraph 4, of the United Nations Charter and in General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV), which prohibit the threat or use of force and emphasize the illegality of any territorial acquisition by such means, the Court further cited the principle of self-determination of peoples, as enshrined in the Charter and reaffirmed by resolution 2625 (XXV). In relation to international humanitarian law, the Court then referred to the provisions of the Hague Regulations of 1907, which it found to have become part of customary law, as well as to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, holding that these were applicable in those Palestinian territories which, before the armed conflict of 1967, lay to the east of the 1949 Armistice demarcation line (or “Green Line”) and were occupied by Israel during that conflict. The Court further established that certain human rights instruments (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child) were applicable in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.

The Court then sought to ascertain whether the construction of the wall had violated the above-mentioned rules and principles. Noting that the route of the wall encompassed some 80 per cent of the settlers living in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Court, citing statements by the Security Council in that regard in relation to the Fourth Geneva Convention, recalled that those settlements had been established in breach of international law. After considering certain fears expressed to it that the route of the wall would prejudge the future frontier between Israel and Palestine, the Court observed that the construction of the wall and its associated régime created a “fait accompli” on the ground that could well become permanent, and hence tantamount to a de facto annexation. Noting further that the route chosen for the wall gave expression in loco to the illegal measures taken by Israel with regard to Jerusalem and the settlements and entailed further alterations to the demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Court concluded that the construction of the wall, along with measures taken previously, severely impeded the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination and was thus a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect that right.

The Court then went on to consider the impact of the construction of the wall on the daily life of the inhabitants of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, finding that the construction of the wall and its associated régime were contrary to the relevant provisions of the Hague Regulations of 1907 and of the Fourth Geneva Convention and that they impeded the liberty of movement of the inhabitants of the territory as guaranteed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as their exercise of the right to work, to health, to education and to an adequate standard of living as proclaimed in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and in the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The Court further found that, coupled with the establishment of settlements, the construction of the wall and its associated régime were tending to alter the demographic composition of the Occupied Palestinian Territory, thereby contravening the Fourth Geneva Convention and the relevant Security Council resolutions. The Court then considered the qualifying clauses or provisions for derogation contained in certain humanitarian law and human rights instruments, which might be invoked inter alia where military exigencies or the needs of national security or public order so required. The Court found that such clauses were not applicable in the present case, stating that it was not convinced that the specific course Israel had chosen for the wall was necessary to attain its security objectives, and that accordingly the construction of the wall constituted a breach by Israel of certain of its obligations under humanitarian and human rights law. Lastly, the Court concluded that Israel could not rely on a right of self-defence or on a state of necessity in order to preclude the wrongfulness of the construction of the wall, and that such construction and its associated régime were accordingly contrary to international law.

The Court went on to consider the consequences of these violations, recalling Israel’s obligation to respect the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and its obligations under humanitarian and human rights law. The Court stated that Israel must put an immediate end to the violation of its international obligations by ceasing the works of construction of the wall and dismantling those parts of that structure situated within Occupied Palestinian Territory and repealing or rendering ineffective all legislative and regulatory acts adopted with a view to construction of the wall and establishment of its associated régime. The Court further made it clear that Israel must make reparation for all damage suffered by all natural or legal persons affected by the wall’s construction. As regards the legal consequences for other States, the Court held that all States were under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the wall and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction. It further stated that it was for all States, while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to see to it that any impediment, resulting from the construction of the wall, to the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determination be brought to an end. In addition, the Court pointed out that all States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention were under an obligation, while respecting the Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israel with international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention. Finally, in regard to the United Nations, and especially the General Assembly and the Security Council, the Court indicated that they should consider what further action was required to bring to an end the illegal situation in question, taking due account of the present Advisory Opinion.

The Court concluded by observing that the construction of the wall must be placed in a more general context, noting the obligation on Israel and Palestine to comply with international humanitarian law, as well as the need for implementation in good faith of all relevant Security Council resolutions, and drawing the attention of the General Assembly to the need for efforts to be encouraged with a view to achieving a negotiated solution to the outstanding problems on the basis of international law and the establishment of a Palestinian State.

[22]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[23]

”IMPORTANCE OF THE UNIVERSAL REALIZATION OF PEOPLES TO SELF-DETERMINATION AND OFTHE SPEEDY GRANTING OF INDEPENDENCE TO COLONIAL COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES DOR THE EFFECTIVE GUARANTEEAND OBSERVANCE OF HUMAN RIGHTSTHE GENERAL ASSEMBLY……..………Indignant at the continued repression and the inhuman and degrading treatment inflictedon peoples still under colonial and alien subjugation, especially on individuals detained orimprisoned as result of their struggle for self-determination and independence……..………3Reaffirms the legitimacy of the peoples’struggle for liberation from colonial and foreign dominationand alien subjugation by all available means, including armed struggle.”

UN GA RESOLUTION 324629 NOVEMBER 1974
https://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/3246(XXIX)&Lang=E&Area=RESOLUTION

EINDE NOTEN

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor CIDI ONTKENT ISRAELISCHE APARTHEID/ASTRID ESSED GEEFT CIDI VIRTUEEL PAK SLAAG

Opgeslagen onder Divers

HRW: Israel schuldig aan apartheid/Goed gedaan, NOS teletekstredactie!

HRW: ISRAEL SCHULDIG AAN APARTHEID/GOED GEDAAN, NOS TELETEKSTREDACTIE!

Image result for Destruction of Gaza/Images

MISDADEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTINGVERWOESTING VAN GAZA

BEZETTINGSTERREUR
foto Oda Hulsen Hebron 2 mei 2017/Verwijst naar foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die tegen de muur wordt gezet doorIsraelische soldaten, die hem toeriepen ”Where is your knife!”/Later vrijgelaten

NB Het is dus NIET de foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die bij de kraag wordt gegrepen

Foto van Oda Hulsen valt soms weg

Since late 2015, 249 Palestinians have been killed in Israel and the Palestinian territories [File: EPA]http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/palestinian-teen-killed-israeli-army-clashes-170116155810513.html

Image result for settlements/Images

BITTEREBIJPRODUCTEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTING:

ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN IN DE BEZETTE PALESTIJNSEGEBIEDENILLEGAAL VOLGENS HET INTERNATIONAAL RECHT

An aerial shot of a housing community

The Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim in the occupied West Bank, with the Palestinian neighborhoods of occupied East Jerusalem in the background. © 2020 Reuters
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed

AAN

NOS TELETEKST REDACTIE

Onderwerp

Uw berichtgeving dd 27 april 2021 ”HRW: Israel schuldig aan apartheid”

Geachte Redactie,

De walrus sprak:

De tijd is daar
Om over allerlei te praten”

Een schoen, een schip, een kandelaar,

Of koningen ook liegen

En of de zee soms koken kan

En een biggetje kan vliegen.
Uit het Engels vertaald uit:

 THE WALRUS AND THE CARPENTERLEWIS CARROLL: ALICE IN WONDERLAND
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Walrus_and_the_Carpenter
Leuk he, een passage uit een oude klassieker, Alice in Wonderland,waar de Walrus en de Timmerman met elkaar in gesprek zijn en de Walrus deze woorden uitspreekt.De tijd is daar…….De tijd is ook daar om u deze keer [het is weleens anders, zoals u weet] [1]een compliment te maken over uw berichtgeving met betrekking tothet recente rapport van mensenrechtenorganisatie Human Rights Watch:over Israel, genaamd ”A TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEID ANDPERSECUTION” [2]De titel van uw berichtgeving luidt: ” HRW: Israel schuldig aan apartheid”Zie uw teletekstbericht direct hieronder, voor het notenapparaat.
U geeft in uw teletekstbericht niet alleen goed de hoofdpunten vande bijgevoegde verklaring van Human Rights Watch weer-het voerenvan een apartheidsbeleid ten opzichte van Palestijnen, de dominanteover Palestijnen door Joodse Israeli’s, het structureel bevoordelenvan Joodse Israeli’s en het feit, dat Palestijnen in de bezette gebiedenvallen onder het militaire recht- [3].Nog belangrijker is, dat u bereid geweest bent-en dat gebeurt echt niet vaak, ik kan daarvan meepraten [4], een visie en bericht door te laten opuw teletekstmedium, dat duidelijke en onverbloemde kritiek levert opde Israelische politiek tegenover de Palestijnen en wel van de kant van Human Rights Watch, een onverdachte mensenrechtenorganisatie.Ik citeer de heer Kenneth Roth, directeur van Human Rights Watch:”“Prominent voices have warned for years that apartheid lurks just around the corner if the trajectory of Israel’s rule over Palestinians does not change,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “This detailed study shows that Israeli authorities have already turned that corner and today are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.” [5]

HOOR EN WEDERHOOR
Waar ik zeker ook mee instem, is dat u de Israelische reactie[of een deel daarvan] ook vermeldt:Ik citeer uw nieuwsberichtgeving:”Israel spreekt van een onwaar rapport, dat zijn bestaansrecht ondermijnt.”Overigens ben ik dan wel benieuwd, wat voor harde bewijzen deIsraeli willen aanhalen, die hun bewering, dat het een ”onwaar rapport” is,ondersteunen, maar dat is een ander Verhaal, dat buiten deze briefmailvalt.
Goed dus, dat u op deze wijze het principe ”Hoor en Wederhoor” respecteert, alleen wil ik er wederom op aandringen, dat u in uwberichtgeving over het Midden-Oostenconflict [waarbij u het Israelischebeleid, militaire handelingen etc beschrijft], nu eens eindelijk ookde Palestijnse reactie op de gebeurtenissen vermeldt, wat bij u,helaas, maar zelden het geval is.Hier is dus noodzakelijk werk voor u aan de Winkel!

MILITAIR RECHT IN DE BEZETTE PALESTIJNSE GEBIEDEN
Het door Human Rights Watch terecht aangekaarte verschil inrechtsgang tussen Palestijnen en Joodse Israeli’s in de bezette gebieden,waarbij de eerste groep valt onder het ”Militaire Recht” en de tweedeonder het Burgerlijk Recht [6], wat u ook aankaart in uw nieuwsberichtgeving [Goed zo!] wordt ondersteund doortalloze mensenrechtenorganisaties, zoals de Israelische mensenrechtorganisaties Btselem en ACRI. [7]
Mooi is, dat Human Rights Watch zich nu ook in deze respectabele Rijheeft geschaard!
TENSLOTTE
Ik straf, maar beloon ook [Grapje/HAHAHA]Neen serieus:Ik bekritiseer u, wanneer ik dat nodig acht [8], maar vind hetook terecht, u een compliment te maken, wanneer ik tevredenben met uw nieuwsberichtgeving.
En over deze ben ik zeer te spreken
Niet alleen hebt u hier Israel kritiek aan het woord gelaten, methet terechte ”hoor en wederhoor” waarop ook Israel recht heeft,maar ook hebt u enkele essentialia uit het Human Rights Watch rapportin enkele, treffende zinnen, weergegeven.
En nu nog verder werken aan een berichtgeving, waarin u de illegaliteitvan de nederzettingen noemt, het Palestijnse recht op hoor en wederhoormeeneemt in uw berichtgeving, Oost-Jeruzalem als ”bezet”aanduidt en zo meerKijk nog maar eens naar mijn kritiek [8]
Maar voor nu:
Complimenten met uw berichtgeving!Ga zo door!
Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid Essed Amsterdam

NOS TELETEKSTHRW: ISRAEL SCHULDIG AAN APARTHEID
Israel voert een apartheidsbeleid ten opzichte van dePalestijnen, zowel in de bezette gebieden als in de restvan Israel, zegt Human Rights Watch. Israel wil zo de overheersing vanhen door Joodse Israeliers in stand houden, zegt de mensenrechtenorganisatie.
In een HRW-rapport staat, dat Joodse burgers structureel bevoordeeldworden.Zo vallen de Palestijnen in de bezette gebieden onder het militaire recht.Ze hebben geen recht op zelfbeschikking, zegt HRW.Ook in bezet Oost-Jeruzalem zijn er dergelijke verschillen.
Israel spreekt van een onwaar rapport, dat zijn bestaansrecht ondermijnt.
EINDE BERICHT

NOS TELETEKSTHRW: ISRAEL SCHULDIG AAN APARTHEID
https://teletekst-data.nos.nl/webplus?p=127

HRW:Israël schuldig aan apartheid   
                                        

 Israël voert een apartheidsbeleid ten
 opzichte van de Palestijnen,zowel in de
 bezette gebieden als in de rest van    
 Israël,zegt Human Rights Watch.Israël  
 wil zo de overheersing van hen door    
 Joodse Israëliërs in stand houden,zegt 
 de mensenrechtenorganisatie.           
                                        
 In een HRW-rapport staat dat Joodse    
 burgers structureel bevoordeeld worden.
 Zo vallen de Palestijnen in de bezette 
 gebieden onder het militaire recht.Ze  
 hebben geen recht op zelfbeschikking,  
 zegt HRW.Ook in bezet Oost-Jeruzalem   
 zijn er dergelijke verschillen.        
                                        
 Israël spreekt van een onwaar rapport, 
 dat zijn bestaansrecht ondermijnt.

EINDE BERICHT

NOTEN

[1]

ASTRID ESSED VERSUS NOS TELETEKSTREDACTIEON HER WEBSITE
https://www.astridessed.nl/?s=NOS+teletekstredactie

[2]
RAPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH:
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHA TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEID ANDPERSECUTION27 APRIL 2021
https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHQ & A: A TRESHOLD CROSSEDIsraeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution27 APRIL 2021
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/qa-threshold-crossed

ZIE OOK

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHABUSIVE ISRAELI POLICIES CONSTITUTE CRIMES OFAPARTHEID, PERSECUTIONCrimes Against Humanity Should Trigger Action to End Repression ofPalestinians
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/abusive-israeli-policies-constitute-crimes-apartheid-persecution

(Jerusalem) – Israeli authorities are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The finding is based on an overarching Israeli government policy to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians and grave abuses committed against Palestinians living in the occupied territory, including East Jerusalem.

The 213-page report, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution,” examines Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. It presents the present-day reality of a single authority, the Israeli government, ruling primarily over the area between the Jordan
River and Mediterranean Sea, populated by two groups of roughly equal size, and methodologically privileging Jewish Israelis while repressing Palestinians, most severely in the occupied territory.

Prominent voices have warned for years that apartheid lurks just around the corner if the trajectory of Israel’s rule over Palestinians does not change,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “This detailed study shows that Israeli authorities have already turned that corner and today are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.”

The finding of apartheid and persecution does not change the legal status of the occupied territory, made up of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza, or the factual reality of occupation.

Originally coined in relation to South Africa, apartheid today is a universal legal term. The prohibition against particularly severe institutional discrimination and oppression or apartheid constitutes a core principle of international law. The 1973 International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid and the 1998 Rome Statute to the International Criminal Court (ICC) define apartheid as a crime against humanity consisting of three primary elements:

  1. An intent to maintain domination by one racial group over another.
  2. A context of systematic oppression by the dominant group over the marginalized group.
  3. Inhumane acts.

The reference to a racial group is understood today to address not only treatment on the basis of genetic traits but also treatment on the basis of descent and national or ethnic origin, as defined in the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination. Human Rights Watch applies this broader understanding of race.

The crime against humanity of persecution, as defined under the Rome Statute and customary international law, consists of severe deprivation of fundamental rights of a racial, ethnic, or other group with discriminatory intent.

Human Rights Watch found that the elements of the crimes come together in the occupied territory, as part of a single Israeli government policy. That policy is to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis over Palestinians across Israel and the occupied territory. It is coupled in the occupied territory with systematic oppression and inhumane acts against Palestinians living there.

Drawing on years of human rights documentation, case studies, and a review of government planning documents, statements by officials, and other sources, Human Rights Watch compared policies and practices toward Palestinians in the occupied territory and Israel with those concerning Jewish Israelis living in the same areas. Human Rights Watch wrote to the Israeli government in July 2020, soliciting its perspectives on these issues, but has received no response.

Across Israel and the occupied territory, Israeli authorities have sought to maximize the land available for Jewish communities and to concentrate most Palestinians in dense population centers. The authorities have adopted policies to mitigate what they have openly described as a “demographic threat” from Palestinians. In Jerusalem, for example, the government’s plan for the municipality, including both the west and occupied east parts of the city, sets the goal of “maintaining a solid Jewish majority in the city” and even specifies the demographic ratios it hopes to maintain.

To maintain domination, Israeli authorities systematically discriminate against Palestinians. The institutional discrimination that Palestinian citizens of Israel face includes laws that allow hundreds of small Jewish towns to effectively exclude Palestinians and budgets that allocate only a fraction of resources to Palestinian schools as compared to those that serve Jewish Israeli children. In the occupied territory, the severity of the repression, including the imposition of draconian military rule on Palestinians while affording Jewish Israelis living in a segregated manner in the same territory their full rights under Israel’s rights-respecting civil law, amounts to the systematic oppression required for apartheid.

Israeli authorities have committed a range of abuses against Palestinians. Many of those in the occupied territory constitute severe abuses of fundamental rights and the inhumane acts again required for apartheid, including: sweeping movement restrictions in the form of the Gaza closure and a permit regime, confiscation of more than a third of the land in the West Bank, harsh conditions in parts of the West Bank that led to the forcible transfer of thousands of Palestinians out of their homes, denial of residency rights to hundreds of thousands of Palestinians and their relatives, and the suspension of basic civil rights to millions of Palestinians.

Many of the abuses at the core of the commission of these crimes, such as near-categorical denial of building permits to Palestinians and demolition of thousands of homes on the pretext of lacking permits, have no security justification. Others, such as Israel’s effective freeze on the population registry it manages in the occupied territory, which all but blocks family reunification for Palestinians living there and bars Gaza residents from living in the West Bank, use security as a pretext to further demographic goals. Even when security forms part of the motivation, it no more justifies apartheid and persecution than it would excessive force or torture, Human Rights Watch said.

“Denying millions of Palestinians their fundamental rights, without any legitimate security justification and solely because they are Palestinian and not Jewish, is not simply a matter of an abusive occupation,” Roth said. “These policies, which grant Jewish Israelis the same rights and privileges wherever they live and discriminate against Palestinians to varying degrees wherever they live, reflect a policy to privilege one people at the expense of another.”

Statements and actions by Israeli authorities in recent years, including the passage of a law with constitutional status in 2018 establishing Israel as the “nation-state of the Jewish people,” the growing body of laws that further privilege Israeli settlers in the West Bank and do not apply to Palestinians living in the same territory, as well as the massive expansion in recent years of settlements and accompanying infrastructure connecting settlements to Israel, have clarified their intent to maintain the domination by Jewish Israelis. The possibility that a future Israeli leader might someday forge a deal with Palestinians that dismantles the discriminatory system does not negate that reality today.

Israeli authorities should dismantle all forms of repression and discrimination that privilege Jewish Israelis at the expense of Palestinians, including with regards to freedom of movement, allocation of land and resources, access to water, electricity, and other services, and the granting of building permits.

The ICC Office of the Prosecutor should investigate and prosecute those credibly implicated in the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution. Countries should do so as well in accordance with their national laws under the principle of universal jurisdiction, and impose individual sanctions, including travel bans and asset freezes, on officials responsible for committing these crimes.

The findings of crimes against humanity should prompt the international community to reevaluate the nature of its engagement in Israel and Palestine and adopt an approach centered on human rights and accountability rather than solely on the stalled “peace process.” Countries should establish a UN commission of inquiry to investigate systematic discrimination and repression in Israel and Palestine and a UN global envoy for the crimes of persecution and apartheid with a mandate to mobilize international action to end persecution and apartheid worldwide.

Countries should condition arms sales and military and security assistance to Israel on Israeli authorities taking concrete and verifiable steps toward ending their commission of these crimes. Countries should vet agreements, cooperation schemes, and all forms of trade and dealing with Israel to screen for those directly contributing to committing the crimes, mitigate the human rights impacts and, where not possible, end activities and funding found to facilitate these serious crimes.

“While much of the world treats Israel’s half-century occupation as a temporary situation that a decades-long ‘peace process’ will soon cure, the oppression of Palestinians there has reached a threshold and a permanence that meets the definitions of the crimes of apartheid and persecution,” Roth said. “Those who strive for Israeli-Palestinian peace, whether a one or two-state solution or a confederation, should in the meantime recognize this reality for what it is and bring to bear the sorts of human rights tools needed to end it.”
EINDE BERICHT

[3]

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHABUSIVE ISRAELI POLICIES CONSTITUTE CRIMES OFAPARTHEID, PERSECUTIONCrimes Against Humanity Should Trigger Action to End Repression ofPalestinians
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/abusive-israeli-policies-constitute-crimes-apartheid-persecution
ZIE VOOR TEKST, NOOT 2

[4]
ZIE NOOT 1

[5]

”“Prominent voices have warned for years that apartheid lurks just around the corner if the trajectory of Israel’s rule over Palestinians does not change,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “This detailed study shows that Israeli authorities have already turned that corner and today are committing the crimes against humanity of apartheid and persecution.”

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHABUSIVE ISRAELI POLICIES CONSTITUTE CRIMES OFAPARTHEID, PERSECUTIONCrimes Against Humanity Should Trigger Action to End Repression ofPalestinians
https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/27/abusive-israeli-policies-constitute-crimes-apartheid-persecution
ZIE VOOR TEKST, NOOT 2

[6]

”Israel has maintained military rule over some portion of the Palestinian population for all but six months of its 73-year history. It did so over the vast majority of Palestinians inside Israel from 1948 and until 1966. From 1967 until the present, it has militarily ruled over Palestinians in the OPT, excluding East Jerusalem. By contrast, it has since its founding governed all Jewish Israelis, including settlers in the OPT since the beginning of the occupation in 1967, under its more rights-respecting civil law.”
RAPPORT HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH:
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHA TRESHOLD CROSSEDISRAELI AUTHORITIES AND THE CRIME OF APARTHEID ANDPERSECUTION27 APRIL 2021
https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution

[7]

””A new report published by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) outlines the nature of the legal regime currently operating in the West Bank. Two systems of law are applied in a single territory: one – a civilian legal system for Israeli citizens, and a second – a military court system for Palestinian residents. The result: institutionalized discrimination.”

ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK24 NOVEMBER 2014

REPORT14 OCTOBER 2014ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK

https://law.acri.org.il//en/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Two-Systems-of-Law-English-FINAL.pdf

”Officially, military courts are authorized to try anyone who commits an offense in the West Bank, including settlers, Israeli citizens residing in Israel, and foreign nationals. However, in the early 1980s, the Attorney General decided that Israeli citizens would be tried in the Israeli civilian court system according to Israeli penal laws, even if they live in the Occupied Territories and the offense was committed there, against residents of the Occupied Territories. That policy remains in effect to this day. This means that people are tried in different courts, under different laws, for the exact same offense committed in the exact same place: Palestinian defendants are tried in military courts, their guilt or innocence determined according to the evidence laws followed in this court system, and their sentences according to the provisions of military orders. Israeli defendants are tried in a civilian court in Israel, exonerated or convicted under Israeli evidence laws, and sentenced under Israeli law as well.”
BTSELEM.ORGTHE MILITARY COURT11 DECEMBER 2017
https://www.btselem.org/military_courts

[8]

ASTRID ESSED VERSUS NOS TELETEKSTREDACTIEON HER WEBSITE
https://www.astridessed.nl/?s=NOS+teletekstredactie

EINDE NOTEN

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor HRW: Israel schuldig aan apartheid/Goed gedaan, NOS teletekstredactie!

Opgeslagen onder Divers

OV Utrecht steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

OV UTRECHT STEUNT ILLEGALE ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN/SAMENWERKING MET CAF

  • A metro stop
  • CAFCreating rail solutions tailored to suit the needs of each and every customer.Front view of a high-speed train

CAF TRANSPORTSYSTEM, EARNING BLOOD MONEY BY SUPPORTING THEILLEGAL ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS

Image result for settlements/Images

ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS, ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW


https://www.caf.net/en/compania/index.phphttps://bdsmovement.net/boycott-cafhttps://bdsmovement.net/boycott-caf

ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS, ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

AANOV UTRECHTDIRECTIE EN MANAGEMENT

Onderwerp:Oproep tot verbreking van alle banden met CAF vanwege betrokkenheidbij de Israelische bezettingspolitiek

Geachte DirectieGeacht Management

Vooraf:Als u erachter staat, dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd, lees dan niet verder.

[Een soortgelijke brief is eveneens verzonden naar het GVB en de NS, die net zoals u met CAF in zee zijn gegaan]

Volgens betrouwbare informatie, die mij bereikt heeft, bent u een samenwerkingsverband aangegaan met CAF, de Spaanse leverancier vantreinen en trams [1] en ik roep u per onmiddellijk op om dit misdadigebedrijf uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!
Reden [en dat verklaart dan ook direct waarom ik dit CAF bedrijf”misdadig” noem]:De CAF betrokkenheid bij de Israelische bezettings en landroof politiek!
Hoewel u daarvan op de hoogte had moeten zijn en daarom sowieso nietmet CAF in zee had moeten gaan, zal ik het nog eens uitleggen:
CAF, dat Spaans-Baskische trein en tramvervoerbedrijf, werkt in opdracht vanIsrael aan de uitbreiding van de ”Jerusalem Lightrail”, een sneltramverbinding,die West Jerusalem verbindt met de in bezet Palestijns gebied gelegenillegale nederzettingen in Oost-Jerusalem [Oost-Jerusalem is dus, zoalsu dient te weten, door Israel bezet gebied] [2]Deze samenwerking van CAF aan Lightrail dateert reeds van 2019! [3]

WAAROM MISDADIG?
Ik heb het hierboven al geschreven:Dat CAF bedrijf is misdadig, omdat het willens en wetens meewerkt[en eraan verdient!] aan de instandhouding van de misdadige Israelische bezetting [4] en de direct daaruit voortvloeiende even misdadigenederzettingenpolitiek!Niet alleen zijn die in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde nederzettingenillegaal volgens het Internationaal Recht [5], er is ook overduidelijksprake van directe landroof, omdat bezet Palestijns gebied is GESTOLENvan de bezette Palestijnse bevolking [die van hun rechtmatige gebied isverdreven] ten gunste van uit Israel afkomstige Joodse inwoners, aan wie opvoormalig Palestijns land [of huizen] bewoningen en land is toegewezen.En alsof dat nog niet erg genoeg is, is er regelmatig sprake van terreur en geweld van deze kolonisten [bewoners van de illegale nederzettingen] tegenover de bezette Palestijnse bevolking, al dan niet ondersteund doorIsraelische veiligheidstroepen!Lees er de Israelische mensenrechtenorganisatie B’stelem maar opna! [6]
UW OPDRACHT
Het zou u niet eens meer gezegd moeten worden!Niet alleen had u nooit met CAF, dat de Israelische bezettings en kolonisatiepolitiek faciliteert [7] en er direct aan verdient, in zee moeten gaan, omdatu alle informatie, die ik u hier heb aangedragen, ook wel had kunnen vinden,nu u dus van deze informatie voorzien bent, die anderen dan ik u ook hebben aangedragen [8], dient dit misdadige bedrijf, CAF, per directuit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!Niet alleen vanwege CAF’s misdadige involvement met Jerusalem Light Rail[zie wat ik daarover reeds geschreven heb in bovenstaande], maar ookdoor de hardleersheid van dit bedrijf.Weet u, dat concurrenten van CAF, zoals Alston, Siemens, Bombardier, Systraen Maquarie zich WEL hebben teruggetrokken uit de Jerusalem Light Railaanbesteding? [9]Neen?Dan weet u het nu!
En dat voorbeeld dient u ook te volgen

EPILOOG
Ik heb het al duidelijk gemaakt en hoef er weinig meer aan toe te voegen:U bent in zee gegaan met CAF, een totaal fout bedrijf, dat door haar betrokkenheid bij Jerusalem Light Rail, medewerkt aan de facilitering eninstandhouding van een van de meest kwalijke aspecten van de Israelischebezettingspolitiek:De in bezet Palestijns gebied gestichte Joods-Israelische nederzettingen,in strijd met het Internationaal Recht [10] en tot stand gekomen door regelrechtediefstal en landroof. BAH!
Daarvan zou u uit uzelf moeten zeggen:Bij zo’n vieze Club wil ik niet horen en er zeker geen vervoermiddelenvan willen afnemen.
Dus nu een duidelijke waarschuwing en eis van mijn kant, waarschijnlijkvoorafgegaan door vele anderen [11]
MIJDT CAF IN DE TOEKOMST, GA NIET MEER MET DEZE MISDADIGERS IN ZEE!
Anders bent u betrokken bij Bloedgeld, Bezetting en Landroofen staat u erachter, dat  dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd.
Dat maakt u dan tot mede crimineel
Mijdt dus in de toekomst CAF!Het is al erg genoeg, dat u met hen in zee gegaan bent.
Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid EssedAmsterdam 
NOTEN

[1]
OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT
ZONDAG TESTRITTEN MET NIEUWE TRAMS TUSSENUTRECHT EN IJSSELSTEIN19 FEBRUARI 2021
https://www.spoorpro.nl/lightrail/2021/02/19/zondag-testritten-met-nieuwe-trams-tussen-utrecht-en-ijsselstein/

U-OV en het trambedrijf van de provincie Utrecht hervatten zondag de testritten op 61 tussen Utrecht Centraal en IJsselstein-Zuid. Deze ritten met de nieuwe Urbos 100-tramstellen van de Spaanse fabrikant CAF moesten op zondag 7 februari worden stilgelegd vanwege het winterse weer.
De testritten worden zondag met meerdere trams uitgevoerd over het gehele traject van de vernieuwde tramlijn 61. Omdat het hier gaat om testritten zijn reizigers nog niet toegestaan aan boord van de trams op lijn 61. De trams op lijn 60 tussen Utrecht en Nieuwegein-Zuid rijden dan wel een normale zondagsdienstregeling met reizigers.TestrittenDe testritten staan vooral in het teken van een punctuele dienstregeling rijden. Daarbij wordt gereden op een vast tijdschema van een kwartierdienst. Dit betekent dat op het spoor tussen Nieuwegein-Centrum en IJsselstein-Zuid vier keer per uur per richting een tram langskomt.Tijdens deze testritten wordt gecontroleerd hoe alle technische systemen functioneren wanneer de trams in deze frequentie rijden. Daarbij wordt ook de dagelijkse operatie van vervoerder U-OV beproefd. Zo wordt getest hoe het openbaar vervoer verloopt wanneer de trams richting Nieuwegein-Zuid en IJsselstein rijden over het splitsingswissel in Nieuwegein.Na de proefritten van zondag volgt een nieuwe serie uitgebreide ritten waarin de dienstregeling van tramlijn 61 wordt getest.
EINDE BERICHT

THE RIGHTS FORUM

SLUIT SPAANSE TREINENBOUWER CAF UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN

IN NEDERLAND

14 APRIL 2021

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. 

Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

[2]

”Development of the light rail line is bringing prosperity and growth to the city’s real estate and business sectors, an upsurge in cultural and entertainment centers, and accessibility to the downtown area for residents of large neighborhoods, such as Pigat Ze’ev.”

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

ABOUT

JERUSALEM AND THE LIGHT RAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233415/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/ContentPage.aspx?ID=16

ORIGINELE BRON

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233325/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/default.aspx

Pisgat Ze’ev (Hebrew: פסגת זאב‎, lit. Ze’ev’s Peak) is an Israeli settlement in East Jerusalem[1] and the largest residential neighborhood in Jerusalem with a population of over 50,000.[2] Pisgat Ze’ev was established by Israel as one of the city’s five Ring Neighborhoods on land effectively annexed after the 1967 Six-Day War.”

WIKIPEDIA

PISGAT ZE’EV

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pisgat_Ze%27ev” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdfURBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/

The transport authority JTMT (Jerusalem Transportation Masterplan Team) has chosen the TransJerusalem J-Net Ltd consortium, consisting in the CAF Group and the construction firm Saphir, for the Jerusalem light rail project. The project value is 1.8 billion EUR.

The so-called Green line is a PPP (Private-Public Partnership) scheme and includes the construction of 20.6 kilometres of new track, 53 stations and a depot. Jerusalem opened its’ first light rail line, the red line in 2011. The new Green line uses the current Red Line on a stretch of 6.8 km. The contract also includes the design and supply of 114 low-floor Urbos trams (which will be operated as double-tractions) for the new Green Line and the refurbishment of the 46 units which are currently in service on the existing Red Line.

114 Urbos trams and 25 years of operation

The project scope of the consortium will also include the supply of the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation. The CAF Group’s scope of this project exceeds 500 million EUR. The Group will also have a 50% stake in the company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines. The project is expected to be implemented this year with the new network fully operative by 2025.

The future network

The tram’s Red Line currently extends along 13.8 km with 23 stations distributed on the route, was inaugurated in 2011 and providing transport to over 145,000 passengers on average per day. The Green lines is expected to have a ridership of 200,000 passengers per day. It will link the two campuses of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and continue south via Pat junction to Gilo while using a common section with the Red line in the city centre until the terminus of the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem railway station which was inaugurated in 2018.

Of the eight entities that participated in the preliminary stages, only two consortiums submitted bids in the final stage. The other consortium consisted in the companies Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland). Siemens, Alstom and Bombardier are reported to have left the tender process at an earlier stage. The companies did not officially withdraw from the process due to political reasons. Nevertheless, the light rail development in Jerusalem has been criticized in the past as both lines run through the disputed area of East Jerusalem.

EINDE ARTIKEL

INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

TEXT

JERUSALEM Transportation Masterplan Team (JTMT) has awarded the TransJerusalem J-Net consortium, comprised of CAF and the construction firm Shapir, a €1.8bn contract to undertake an extension to the Jerusalem light rail network.

The Private-Public Partnership (PPP) includes the construction of 27km of new track, 53 new stations and various depots covering a 6.8km extension to the Red Line, and the new 20.6km Green Line. The Red Line is currently 13.8km long with 23 stations, and carries around 145,000 passengers daily.

The consortium will also design and supply 114 new Urbos LRVs for the Green Line, and the refurbishment of the 46 vehicles currently in service on the Red Line.

The contract includes the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation.

CAF’s share of the contract is worth more than €500m, and includes the vehicle’s supply and refurbishment, signalling, energy and communication systems and project integration. CAF will also have a 50% stake in the Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines, which is expected to have a €1bn turnover.

Construction is expected begin later this year with the new extensions fully operational by 2025.

Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland) also submitted bids for the contract.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[3]URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/


INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

[4]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[5]

ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN

”The establishment of the settlements contravenes international humanitarian law (IHL), which states that an occupying power may not relocate its own citizens to the occupied territory or make permanent changes to that territory, unless these are needed for imperative military needs, in the narrow sense of the term, or undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”

BTSELEM.ORG

SETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements

”It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory”

ICRC.ORG [INTERNATIONALE RODE KRUIS]

WHAT DOES THE LAW SAY ABOUT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SETTLEMENTS

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/faq/occupation-faq-051010.htm#:~:text=It%20is%20unlawful%20under%20the,population%20transfer%20into%20occupied%20territory

05-10-2010 FAQ

When a territory is placed under the authority of a hostile army, the rules of international humanitarian law dealing with occupation apply. Occupation confers certain rights and obligations on the occupying power.

Prohibited actions include forcibly transferring protected persons from the occupied territories to the territory of the occupying power. 
It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory. Any measure designed to expand or consolidate settlements is also illegal. Confiscation of land to build or expand settlements is similarly prohibited. 

ILLEGALITEIT NEDERZETTINGEN VOLGENS ARTIKEL 49, 4E CONVENTIE VAN GENEVE

”Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”

ARTICLE 49, FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/Article.xsp?action=openDocument&documentId=77068F12B8857C4DC12563CD0051BDB0

”Digital companies are revolutionizing how the world does tourism. Corporations like Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor, which dominate the multi-billion-dollar global online tourism industry, have become hugely successful. These companies all also list numerous hotels, B&Bs, attractions or tours in Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). They are doing so despite knowing that Israel’s settlements are illegal under international law, and a war crime.”

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

BY LISTING PROPERTIES AND ATTRACTIONS IN ISRAELI

SETTLEMENTS, DIGITAL TOURISM COMPANIES ARE PROFITING

FROM WARCRIMES

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/01/destination-occupation-digital-tourism-israel-illegal-settlements/

[6]

”Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.”

BTSELEM.ORGSTATE BACKED SETTLER VIOLENCE
https://www.btselem.org/topic/settler_violence

Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.

Under international law, Israel has a duty to protect Palestinians in the West Bank from this conduct. However, Israeli authorities routinely shirk this responsibility, even when the violent actions can be anticipated. Thousands of testimonies, videos and reports, as well as many years of close monitoring by B’Tselem and other organizations, reveal that Israeli security forces not only allow settlers to harm Palestinians and their property as a matter of course – they often provide the perpetrators escort and back-up. In some cases, they even join in on the attack. In other instances, security forces have prevented anticipated harm by removing the targeted Palestinians, rather than the Israeli assailants.

The law enforcement agencies, for their part, rarely make settlers face consequences for attacking Palestinians. In almost all cases, the investigations – if one was opened, in the first place – have not resulted in any action taken against the perpetrators. This undeclared policy of lenience toward settler violence aimed at Palestinians has been documented in numerous reports by human rights organizations, as well as in official state reports (such as the Karp Report of 1982 and the Shamgar Report of 1994).

In a ten-year review published in May 2015, human rights organization Yesh Din found that some 85% of investigations into such cases (including violence, arson, damage to property, mutilation of trees and takeover of land) ended with no further action taken, and that the odds of a police complaint filed by a Palestinian resulting in the conviction of an Israeli civilian were a mere 1.9%. Given the futility of this effort, many Palestinians choose to forgo filing a complaint altogether.

Since it was founded in 1989, B’Tselem has been documenting incidents of settler violence against Palestinians and advocating for security forces to fulfill their obligation to protect Palestinians and their property from such injury. For many years, B’Tselem has stressed the duty of Israeli authorities to make the necessary preparations, including allocating forces, to prevent attacks that can be predicted – especially when they are carried out in the open – and arrest the assailants. We have repeatedly called attention to the responsibility of the law enforcement agencies to quickly and efficiently investigate attacks after they take place. B’Tselem has provided the police and the military with documentation of such attacks, including video footage filmed by volunteers. We have also helped Palestinian victims file complaints with the police and have monitored the investigations – including appealing closed cases. After more than 25 years of this work, there is no escaping the conclusion that the authorities merely make a show of law enforcement in this context and that, with few exceptions, they have no interest in seriously investigating settler violence against Palestinians.

A stark example recurs every year during the olive harvest. After repeated settler attacks, the military forbade Palestinian farmers from entering their own land if it lies near a settlement – instead of protecting the farmers by enforcing the law on the settlers. In 2004, the heads of five Palestinian local councils petitioned Israel’s High Court of Justice (HCJ), demanding that the military allow them to access their lands and protect them from settler attacks during the olive harvest. The court accepted the petition about two years later, ruling that the military should not, in general, deny Palestinians access to their land in the name of protecting them. The justices also ruled that the security establishment must “give clear, unequivocal instructions to the forces operating in the field” and also “deploy forces to protect the property of the Palestinian inhabitants” (HCJ 9593/04 Murar et al. v. IDF Commander for Judea and Samaria et al.). As a result, the state created a “coordination system” for supposedly enabling Palestinians throughout the West Bank to access their land for several days, twice a year – during the harvest and plowing seasons. This requires prior coordination with the military, which assigns them a security detail.

In practice, the system does little to resolve this violent reality and is largely another empty show of law enforcement. First, it furthers the assumption that the solution lies with restricting the Palestinian victims, rather than the violent settlers. Second, it is relevant to two specific periods every year, leaving settlers free to roam and vandalize land and trees the rest of the time, while the Palestinian owners are barred access. Third, the military requires Palestinians to undergo such a complicated coordination process and meet so many requirements that, in many cases, attaining access is impossible.

Settler violence has a pervasive impact on life in the West Bank, creating a lingering sense of intimidation. Countless attacks have left their traumatic mark on individual Palestinians and on the collective memory. As a result, many Palestinians now avoid approaching “danger zones” near settlements. Landowners do not dare enter these areas without military escort or Israeli civilians accompanying them. As a result, in some plots, the yield has become so poor that the owners have given up trying to reach the land and tend it. This dynamic has created invisible walls throughout the West Bank, beyond which Palestinians know they face violence to the point of risking their lives.

The rogue settlements euphemistically known as “illegal outposts” – since they were formally established in breach of Israeli law, although they enjoy broad government support and funding – contribute to this reality. These 100 or so outposts, established throughout the West Bank since the 1990s, have effectively taken over large swathes of land, expanding the scope of settlement control. This dispossession has been accompanied by violence towards Palestinian landowners that includes physical assaults, threats, attacks on shepherds and theft of land. Apart from very rare exceptions in which outposts were removed further to legal proceedings, virtually all outposts remain standing and are gradually gaining formal recognition as a substantial part of the settlement enterprise.

Violent actions of settlers against Palestinians are not exceptions to a rule. Rather, they form part of a broader strategy in which the state colludes, as it stands to benefit from the result. Over time, this unchecked violence is gradually driving Palestinians from more and more locations in the West Bank, making it easier for the state to take over land and resources.

[7]

[7]

URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/
” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdf

[8]

THE RIGHTS FORUMSLUIT SPAANSE TREINBOUWER UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN INNEDERLAND14 APRIL 2021
https://rightsforum.org/campagnes/sluit-spaanse-treinenbouwer-caf-uit-van-aanbestedingen-in-nederland/

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden

en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder Nederland- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Vandaag, 30 maart, wordt door Palestijnen herdacht als de Dag van het Land. Dit omdat het nu 45 jaar geleden is dat de Israëlische politie 6 Palestijnse burgers van de zionistische staat doodschoot die demonstreerden tegen overheidsplannen voor de massale onteigening van hun grond. Het sterven in de strijd voor het behoud van het eigen land vat de Palestijnse strijd tegen Israëlische onderdrukking, kolonisatie en apartheid immers op symbolische wijze in een notendop samen. Land die deze staat, Israel genaamd, in bezit wil nemen en zoveel mogelijk wil ontdoen ivan zijn Palestijnse bevolking ten gunste van de vestiging en ontwikkeling van de eigen, joodse, bevolking.

In dit laatste proces is het Baskisch-Spaanse openbaarvervoersbouwbedrijf CAF vandaag de dag tot over zijn oren betrokken. Sinds augustus 2019 werkt het immers, samen met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir die op de VN-database staat van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij Israëls grootscheepse illegale nederzettingenproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, aan de Jerusalem Light Rail: enkele spoorverbindingen die West-Jeruzalem verbinden met illegale Israëlische nederzettingen in- en rondom Oost-Jeruzalem.

Dit brengt, opnieuw, grootscheepse onteigening van Palestijnse grond met zich mee ten gunste van de uitbreiding en ontwikkeling van die koloniale nederzettingen, draagt bij aan de isolatie van Palestijnse woonbuurten, dorpen en steden in en rond Oost-Jeruzalem ten op zichte van die van elders op de Westelijke Jordaanoever en van elkaar en verankerd de wederrechtelijke annexatie van dit Palestijnse gebied nog verder.

Dit annexatieproces brengt toenemende marginalisering van de Palestijnse bevolking met zich mee, een verbod op de bouw van nieuwe woningen en een gestage etnische zuivering uit Oost-Jeruzalem en omgeving. Een proces dat tevens in stand gehouden wordt door de repressie en het geweld tegen die bevolking door Israelische veiligheidstroepen en Joodse kolonisten.

Om deze redenen heeft CAF ook met toenemend verzet en protest tegen haar deelname aan de Jerusalem Light Rail te maken. In Spanje en Baskenland zelf (ook van de kant van arbeiders die daar werkzaam zijn in de CAF-fabrieken!), in Frankrijk, in Groot-Brittannië, in Noorwegen, in Israel-Palestina zelf en nu ook in Nederland! Hier te lande levert CAF de sprintertreinstellen aan de NS, trams en metrostellen aan het Amsterdamse GVB en trams aan de gemeente Utrecht.

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder de onze- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Klik en stuur nu jouw e-mail naar Nederlandse Spoorwegen, GVB and Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht.

EINDE BERICHT

[9]
”Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd.”
THE RIGHTS FORUMNEDERLANDSE OV PARTNER BETROKKEN BIJ ISRAEL’S ILLEGALEKOLINISERING8 MAART 2021
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/nederlandse-ov-partner-betrokken-bij-israels-illegale-kolonisering/

De NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam blijken op grote schaal zaken te doen met de Spaanse treinenbouwer CAF, die wordt beschuldigd van betrokkenheid bij oorlogsmisdaden.

Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden hebben grote orders uitstaan bij de Spaanse treinenbouwer Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles, kortweg CAF. Op LinkedIn meldt de Nederlandse poot van het bedrijf, CAF Netherlands, te werken aan 206 Sprinters voor NS, 54 trams voor de Provincie Utrecht, 72 trams voor de gemeente Amsterdam, en een nieuwe generatie M7-metro’s voor de GVB.

Oorlogsmisdaden

CAF is een topspeler in de internationale markt voor treinen, trams, metro’s, bussen, treinbeveiliging en onderhoud, met een gedegen track record in Nederland. In augustus 2019 kantelde de populariteit van het bedrijf, toen CAF een aanbesteding won van het Israëlische ministerie van Financiën voor de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies (‘nederzettingen’) in bezet Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en de Westelijke Jordaanoever.

De Israëlische kolonisering van bezet Palestijns gebied is illegaal en geldt onder het Statuut van Rome – het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof (ICC) – als oorlogsmisdaad. Juist afgelopen woensdag besloot het ICC, na een voortraject van ruim zes jaar, een officieel onderzoek in te stellen naar oorlogsmisdaden in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden, waarbij de Israëlische kolonisering een van de thema’s vormt.

Foute partners

Binnen het JLR-project werkt CAF samen met het Israëlische ingenieurs- en constructiebedrijf Shapir, dat is opgenomen in de VN-database van bedrijven waarvan is vastgesteld dat zij middels hun activiteiten in bezet gebied bijdragen aan schendingen van het internationaal recht en Palestijnse mensenrechten. Datzelfde geldt voor de Israëlische Bank Hapoalim, die in november 2020 als hoofdfinancier tot de samenwerking toetrad.

Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd. Van de acht potentiële bieders bleven er slechts twee over: CAF-Shapir en een internationaal consortium rond het Chinese CRRC en Israëlische Egged. Ook dat laatste bedrijf komt voor in de VN-database.’

Jeruzalem is taboe’

Het Franse Alstom trok zich terug uit vrees voor hoge boetes die het bedrijf onder Franse wetgeving tegemoetzag – dit nadat Alstoms Israëlische partners die weigerden te compenseren. Denkbaar is ook dat CAF’s concurrenten zich het lot herinneren van de Franse multinational Veolia, die zijn betrokkenheid bij de JLR moest bekopen met een wereldwijde pariastatus en een miljardenverlies. In 2015 trok Veolia zich terug uit het JLR-project, en sindsdien geldt ‘Remember Veolia’ als waarschuwing voor bedrijven die in zijn voetsporen willen treden.

Het Israëlische zakenblad Globes stelde vast dat feitelijk sprake is van een ‘stille boycot’ door internationale transportondernemingen, die een veel groter effect heeft op de Israëlische economie dan bijvoorbeeld de – vaak met veel rumoer omgeven – weigering van beroemdheden om in Israël op te treden. Globes constateert dat Israëls initiële bravoure over de verwachte participatie van liefst acht bieders – uitgelegd als brede steun van het bedrijfsleven voor Israëls kolonisering – in het tegendeel is omgeslagen.

CAF is het nieuwe Veolia

Anderhalf jaar na het winnen van de Israëlische aanbesteding is CAF hard op weg in de voetsporen van Veolia te treden. Het in Baskenland gevestigde spoorbedrijf kreeg te maken met zware oppositie van het eigen personeel, aandeelhouders en vakbonden, en van zeventig Baskische maatschappelijke organisaties die CAF opriepen zich uit het JLR-project terug te trekken. Veel Basken identificeren zich met de nationale aspiraties van de Palestijnen, en beschouwen de handelwijze van CAF ook vanuit dat oogpunt als onacceptabel.

Intussen is onder de slogan ‘CAF Get Off Israel’s Apartheid Train’ ook een internationale campagne op gang gekomen, waarbij zich vakbonden, mensenrechtenorganisaties en tal van andere groeperingen hebben aangesloten. Afgelopen maand diende een coalitie van 31 Palestijnse en internationale organisaties een eis in bij de VN om CAF op te nemen in de database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. In talloze landen wordt de deelname van CAF aan lokale en nationale aanbestedingen aangevochten. In december 2020 trok het bedrijf zich terug uit een aanbesteding in Mexico City nadat tachtig organisaties aandrongen op uitsluiting. In Noorwegen wordt een door acht vakbonden gesteunde campagne gevoerd tegen de deelname van CAF aan een aanbesteding voor nieuw treinmaterieel; een internationale petitie

daartoe is tot dusver bijna vijfduizend maal getekend.

Ook in Nederland zijn protesten tegen CAF op gang gekomen. Het bedrijf zal steeds harder worden aangesproken op zijn ontspoorde activiteiten, en zijn deelname aan nieuwe aanbestedingen zal worden aangevochten. Daarnaast worden CAF’s huidige partners, waaronder de NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam, opgeroepen zich van CAF te distantiëren.

Te weinig aandacht voor mensenrechten

Op grond van het Nederlandse mensenrechtenbeleid en het zogenoemde ‘Maatschappelijk Verantwoord Inkopen’ (MVI) zou het ondenkbaar moeten zijn dat bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij oorlogsmisdaden en andere schendingen van het internationaal recht orders in de wacht slepen die uit publieke middelen worden bekostigd. Maar Nederlandse (semi-)overheden nemen het niet nauw met mensenrechten en MVI, en hebben er in veel gevallen geen moeite mee ‘foute’ bedrijven tot aanbestedingen toe te laten en van opdrachten te voorzien.

Een voorbeeld is het in Nederland actieve Egged Bus Systems (EBS). EBS is een dochterbedrijf van het Israëlische Egged, dat onder meer busdiensten verzorgt tussen Israël en zijn kolonies in bezet gebied, en om die reden is opgenomen in de VN-database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. Desondanks werd EBS door onder meer de Metropoolregio Rotterdam Den Haag (MRDH) toegelaten tot aanbestedeningen, en werden het bedrijf vergunningen verleend voor busdiensten in de regio.

Afgelopen jaren heeft The Rights Forum de betreffende Nederlandse overheden en verantwoordelijke ministeries aangesproken op deze onwenselijke gang van zaken. In hun reacties – waarop vaak langdurig moet worden aangedrongen – schuiven zij hun verantwoordelijkheden steevast af. De bittere realiteit is dat Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden door hun samenwerking met ‘foute’ bedrijven bijdragen aan ernstige schendingen van het recht. CAF geldt daarvan als meest recente voorbeeld.

EINDE ARTIKEL

ISRAEL’S SETTLER RAILWAY COULD BE GOING NOWHERE FAST23 MAY 2019
https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israels-settler-railway-could-be-going-nowhere-fast

Trade unions and human rights organizations in France are celebrating as a victory the withdrawal of train manufacturer Alstom from the Jerusalem light rail.

Meanwhile, it has also been confirmed that a Greek-led consortium failed to submit a bid.

France’s Alstom confirmed to media last week that it had dropped plans to bid on the extension of the Israeli railway that links settlements in the West Bank to each other and to Jerusalem.

Israel’s construction of settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is a war crime.

Alstom’s would-be Israeli partners had revealed earlier this month that the French firm had backed out, citing concerns over how the settler railway violates Palestinian human rights and international law.

The international human rights group FIDH, Palestine’s Al-Haq and French labor federations CFDT and CGT are among a coalition of organizations that welcomed Alstom’s decision as a “win for law.”

Those organizations have long campaigned to end the complicity of French firms in the railway, which they describe as “a tool of the Israeli settlement and annexation policy” in Jerusalem.

Systra, a subsidiary of French state rail firm SNCF and Paris transit authority RATP, had already pulled out of the Israeli project last year.

Earlier this month, The Electronic Intifada broke the news that Canada’s Bombardier had pulled out, along with Australia’s Macquarie and Germany’s Siemens.

With the withdrawal of the Alstom-led consortium, the number of bids on the light rail expansion dropped from an initial seven to just two – one involving China’s CRRC and one including Spanish firm CAF.

And a French subcontractor, Egis, still provides planning and consulting services to the Jerusalem light rail. It is owned by the public firm Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations.

“In the name of corporate ethics, for which no exception should be made, we urgently call upon both the government and the senior management of [Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations] to demand the immediate withdrawal of Egis from this project,” the human rights and labor groups state.

Greece drops bid

The Palestinian Authority’s office in Athens on Thursday welcomed the decision by a Greek-led consortium not to put in a bid to expand the light rail.

The PA embassy expressed its “deep satisfaction that the deadline for the bidding to construct the light railway project in occupied East Jerusalem expired on 13 May 2019, and neither private nor public Greek companies submitted bids.”

“This decision is a clear expression of rejection of colonization,” the PA office added.

Greece’s government, led by the nominally left-wing party Syriza, had previously given strong backing to the consortium that included publicly owned transit firm STASY and private construction firm GEK Terna.

The PA office thanked lawmakers, trade unions, municipalities and activists who had taken a stand against Greek involvement in the settler railway.

Some of the lawmakers who raised questions in parliament about the Greek bid were from Syriza.

Arab ambassadors had also raised objections over the project in a meeting with the Greek foreign minister, according to the PA.

Last month, Yanis Varoufakis, the former Greek finance minister turned pan-European political campaigner, joined the chorus of criticism.

Varoufakis said he was “deeply ashamed of my former Syriza colleagues” for supporting the project and pledged that his new political movement would “commit to fighting against this.”

Israeli spin

The Israeli embassy in Athens put out a press release denying that the Greek bid had been dropped for political reasons.

The embassy claimed that the Greek consortium had put the brakes on the bid for “purely technical reasons.”

But that spin is unlikely to dampen the sense of victory for activists in Greece and across Europe.

Attention will now turn to Spain, whose train maker CAF remains involved in one of the two consortiums still taking part in the tender.

The Israeli business publication Globes conceded that labor opposition “could disrupt CAF’s work if it wins the tender.”

In January, the company’s official workers council voted against the bid.

The French and Palestinian human rights and labor groups are calling on all European governments to “take a clear stance against companies’ involvement in the Israeli policies of annexation, colonization and occupation.”

Chinese role

The other consortium still in the running involves Chinese company CRRC.

“The Chinese entry into the infrastructure market in Israel is alarming the US,” according to Globes.

The Trump administration is mounting a global effort to contain China economically and to sanction companies like CRRC that do business in Iran.

This could place Israel under US pressure not to give the contract to the Chinese-led consortium.

In 2016, China voted to support a UN Security Council resolution reaffirming the illegality of Israel’s settlements and “Condemning all measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem.”

If activists keep up the pace and extend their campaign to include pressuring China to match its rhetoric with action, Israel’s settler railway could be going nowhere fast.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[10]

ZIE NOOT 5

[11]

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aan annexatie en mijdt CAF! – BDS Nederland
Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aa…Maak de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner …
Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aa…Maak de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner …

EINDE NOTEN

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor OV Utrecht steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

Opgeslagen onder Divers

NS steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

NS STEUNT ILLEGALE ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN/SAMENWERKING MET CAF

  • A metro stop
  • CAFCreating rail solutions tailored to suit the needs of each and every customer.Front view of a high-speed train

CAF TRANSPORTSYSTEM, EARNING BLOOD MONEY BY SUPPORTING THEILLEGAL ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS
https://www.caf.net/en/compania/index.phphttps://bdsmovement.net/boycott-cafhttps://bdsmovement.net/boycott-caf

Image result for settlements/Images

ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS, ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

AAN

NS
TavMevrouw I De Boer
Communicatiemanager Nederlandse Spoorwegen

Onderwerp:Oproep tot verbreking van alle banden met CAF vanwege betrokkenheidbij de Israelische bezettingspolitiek

Geachte Mevrouw De Boer

Vooraf:Als u erachter staat, dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd, lees dan niet verder.

[Een soortgelijke brief is eveneens verzonden naar het Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht en het GVB, die net zoals u met CAF in zee zijn gegaan]

Volgens betrouwbare informatie, die mij bereikt heeft, is de NS, waarvan u communicatiemanager bent [vandaar dat de brief verder aan u als aanhef wordt gericht] een samenwerkingsverband aangegaan met CAF, de Spaanse leverancier vantreinen en trams [1] en ik roep u per onmiddellijk op om dit misdadigebedrijf uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!
Reden [en dat verklaart dan ook direct waarom ik dit CAF bedrijf”misdadig” noem]:De CAF betrokkenheid bij de Israelische bezettings en landroof politiek!
Hoewel u daarvan op de hoogte had moeten zijn en daarom sowieso nietmet CAF in zee had moeten gaan, zal ik het nog eens uitleggen:
CAF, dat Spaans-Baskische trein en tramvervoerbedrijf, werkt in opdracht vanIsrael aan de uitbreiding van de ”Jerusalem Lightrail”, een sneltramverbinding,die West Jerusalem verbindt met de in bezet Palestijns gebied gelegenillegale nederzettingen in Oost-Jerusalem [Oost-Jerusalem is dus, zoalsu dient te weten, door Israel bezet gebied] [2]Deze samenwerking van CAF aan Lightrail dateert reeds van 2019! [3]

WAAROM MISDADIG?
Ik heb het hierboven al geschreven:Dat CAF bedrijf is misdadig, omdat het willens en wetens meewerkt[en eraan verdient!] aan de instandhouding van de misdadige Israelische bezetting [4] en de direct daaruit voortvloeiende even misdadigenederzettingenpolitiek!Niet alleen zijn die in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde nederzettingenillegaal volgens het Internationaal Recht [5], er is ook overduidelijksprake van directe landroof, omdat bezet Palestijns gebied is GESTOLENvan de bezette Palestijnse bevolking [die van hun rechtmatige gebied isverdreven] ten gunste van uit Israel afkomstige Joodse inwoners, aan wie opvoormalig Palestijns land [of huizen] bewoningen en land is toegewezen.En alsof dat nog niet erg genoeg is, is er regelmatig sprake van terreur en geweld van deze kolonisten [bewoners van de illegale nederzettingen] tegenover de bezette Palestijnse bevolking, al dan niet ondersteund doorIsraelische veiligheidstroepen!Lees er de Israelische mensenrechtenorganisatie B’stelem maar opna! [6]
UW OPDRACHT
Het zou u niet eens meer gezegd moeten worden!Niet alleen had u nooit met CAF, dat de Israelische bezettings en kolonisatiepolitiek faciliteert [7] en er direct aan verdient, in zee moeten gaan, omdatu alle informatie, die ik u hier heb aangedragen, ook wel had kunnen vinden,nu u dus van deze informatie voorzien bent, die anderen dan ik u ook hebben aangedragen [8], dient dit misdadige bedrijf, CAF, per directuit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!Niet alleen vanwege CAF’s misdadige involvement met Jerusalem Light Rail[zie wat ik daarover reeds geschreven heb in bovenstaande], maar ookdoor de hardleersheid van dit bedrijf.Weet u, dat concurrenten van CAF, zoals Alston, Siemens, Bombardier, Systraen Maquarie zich WEL hebben teruggetrokken uit de Jerusalem Light Railaanbesteding? [9]Neen?Dan weet u het nu!
En dat voorbeeld dient u ook te volgen

EPILOOG
Ik heb het al duidelijk gemaakt en hoef er weinig meer aan toe te voegen:U bent in zee gegaan met CAF, een totaal fout bedrijf, dat door haar betrokkenheid bij Jerusalem Light Rail, medewerkt aan de facilitering eninstandhouding van een van de meest kwalijke aspecten van de Israelischebezettingspolitiek:De in bezet Palestijns gebied gestichte Joods-Israelische nederzettingen,in strijd met het Internationaal Recht [10] en tot stand gekomen door regelrechtediefstal en landroof. BAH!
Daarvan zou u uit uzelf moeten zeggen:Bij zo’n vieze Club wil ik niet horen en er zeker geen vervoermiddelenvan willen afnemen.
Dus nu een duidelijke waarschuwing en eis van mijn kant, waarschijnlijkvoorafgegaan door vele anderen [11]
MIJDT CAF IN DE TOEKOMST, GA NIET MEER MET DEZE MISDADIGERS IN ZEE!
Anders bent u betrokken bij Bloedgeld, Bezetting en Landroofen staat u erachter, dat  dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd.
Dat maakt u dan tot mede crimineel
Mijdt dus in de toekomst CAF!Het is al erg genoeg, dat u met hen in zee gegaan bent.
Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid Essed Amsterdam 
NOTEN

[1]

NS KOOPT NOG EENS 88 NIEUWE SPRINTERS

27 DECEMBER 2018

https://nieuws.ns.nl/ns-koopt-nog-eens-88-nieuwe-sprinters/

NS bestelt nog eens 88 nieuwe Sprinters van de Spaanse treinfabrikant CAF. Deze bestelling komt bovenop de 118 nieuwe Sprinters waarvan de eerste treinen sinds 9 december van dit jaar in de NS-dienstregeling rijden. Met de nieuwe bestelling wordt het aantal zitplaatsen uitgebreid met nog eens zo’n 15.000. Hiermee is een investering gemoeid van circa € 400 miljoen. Met deze bestelling komt de totale NS-investering in nieuwe en gemoderniseerde treinen op zo’n 3,5 miljard.

In 2020 rijden de 118 Sprinters uit de eerste bestelling allemaal in Nederland, de aanvullende bestelling komt vanaf dat moment ook op het spoor. Begin 2023 rijden alle 206 sprinters op het spoor.

Roger van Boxtel, president-directeur NS: “Onze reizigers zijn enthousiast over deze Sprinters, onze collega’s vinden het een prettige trein om op te rijden. En persoonlijk vind ik hem prachtig. Met deze aanvullende bestelling voegen we wederom zitplaatsen toe aan onze Sprintervloot. En dit is nodig om ook in de toekomst reizigers op deze trajecten comfortabel te vervoeren”. Sprinters maken een belangrijk onderdeel uit van het Nederlandse spoor: 48% van de reizigers reist (voor een deel van de reis) met een Sprinter.

De nieuwe Sprinters passen bij de wensen van onze reizigers voor een comfortabele reis: een transparante, open, aantrekkelijke en energiezuinige trein, voorzien van WIFI, een rolstoeltoegankelijk toilet, stopcontacten, USB-aansluitingen, leren bekleding, plek voor de fiets en een gelijkvloerse instap.

THE RIGHTS FORUM

SLUIT SPAANSE TREINENBOUWER CAF UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN

IN NEDERLAND

14 APRIL 2021

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. 

Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

[2]

”Development of the light rail line is bringing prosperity and growth to the city’s real estate and business sectors, an upsurge in cultural and entertainment centers, and accessibility to the downtown area for residents of large neighborhoods, such as Pigat Ze’ev.”

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

ABOUT

JERUSALEM AND THE LIGHT RAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233415/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/ContentPage.aspx?ID=16

ORIGINELE BRON

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233325/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/default.aspx

Pisgat Ze’ev (Hebrew: פסגת זאב‎, lit. Ze’ev’s Peak) is an Israeli settlement in East Jerusalem[1] and the largest residential neighborhood in Jerusalem with a population of over 50,000.[2] Pisgat Ze’ev was established by Israel as one of the city’s five Ring Neighborhoods on land effectively annexed after the 1967 Six-Day War.”

WIKIPEDIA

PISGAT ZE’EV

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pisgat_Ze%27ev” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdfURBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/

The transport authority JTMT (Jerusalem Transportation Masterplan Team) has chosen the TransJerusalem J-Net Ltd consortium, consisting in the CAF Group and the construction firm Saphir, for the Jerusalem light rail project. The project value is 1.8 billion EUR.

The so-called Green line is a PPP (Private-Public Partnership) scheme and includes the construction of 20.6 kilometres of new track, 53 stations and a depot. Jerusalem opened its’ first light rail line, the red line in 2011. The new Green line uses the current Red Line on a stretch of 6.8 km. The contract also includes the design and supply of 114 low-floor Urbos trams (which will be operated as double-tractions) for the new Green Line and the refurbishment of the 46 units which are currently in service on the existing Red Line.

114 Urbos trams and 25 years of operation

The project scope of the consortium will also include the supply of the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation. The CAF Group’s scope of this project exceeds 500 million EUR. The Group will also have a 50% stake in the company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines. The project is expected to be implemented this year with the new network fully operative by 2025.

The future network

The tram’s Red Line currently extends along 13.8 km with 23 stations distributed on the route, was inaugurated in 2011 and providing transport to over 145,000 passengers on average per day. The Green lines is expected to have a ridership of 200,000 passengers per day. It will link the two campuses of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and continue south via Pat junction to Gilo while using a common section with the Red line in the city centre until the terminus of the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem railway station which was inaugurated in 2018.

Of the eight entities that participated in the preliminary stages, only two consortiums submitted bids in the final stage. The other consortium consisted in the companies Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland). Siemens, Alstom and Bombardier are reported to have left the tender process at an earlier stage. The companies did not officially withdraw from the process due to political reasons. Nevertheless, the light rail development in Jerusalem has been criticized in the past as both lines run through the disputed area of East Jerusalem.

EINDE ARTIKEL

INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

TEXT

JERUSALEM Transportation Masterplan Team (JTMT) has awarded the TransJerusalem J-Net consortium, comprised of CAF and the construction firm Shapir, a €1.8bn contract to undertake an extension to the Jerusalem light rail network.

The Private-Public Partnership (PPP) includes the construction of 27km of new track, 53 new stations and various depots covering a 6.8km extension to the Red Line, and the new 20.6km Green Line. The Red Line is currently 13.8km long with 23 stations, and carries around 145,000 passengers daily.

The consortium will also design and supply 114 new Urbos LRVs for the Green Line, and the refurbishment of the 46 vehicles currently in service on the Red Line.

The contract includes the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation.

CAF’s share of the contract is worth more than €500m, and includes the vehicle’s supply and refurbishment, signalling, energy and communication systems and project integration. CAF will also have a 50% stake in the Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines, which is expected to have a €1bn turnover.

Construction is expected begin later this year with the new extensions fully operational by 2025.

Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland) also submitted bids for the contract.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[3]URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/


INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

[4]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[5]

ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN

”The establishment of the settlements contravenes international humanitarian law (IHL), which states that an occupying power may not relocate its own citizens to the occupied territory or make permanent changes to that territory, unless these are needed for imperative military needs, in the narrow sense of the term, or undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”

BTSELEM.ORG

SETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements

”It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory”

ICRC.ORG [INTERNATIONALE RODE KRUIS]

WHAT DOES THE LAW SAY ABOUT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SETTLEMENTS

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/faq/occupation-faq-051010.htm#:~:text=It%20is%20unlawful%20under%20the,population%20transfer%20into%20occupied%20territory

05-10-2010 FAQ

When a territory is placed under the authority of a hostile army, the rules of international humanitarian law dealing with occupation apply. Occupation confers certain rights and obligations on the occupying power.

Prohibited actions include forcibly transferring protected persons from the occupied territories to the territory of the occupying power. 
It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory. Any measure designed to expand or consolidate settlements is also illegal. Confiscation of land to build or expand settlements is similarly prohibited. 

ILLEGALITEIT NEDERZETTINGEN VOLGENS ARTIKEL 49, 4E CONVENTIE VAN GENEVE

”Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”

ARTICLE 49, FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/Article.xsp?action=openDocument&documentId=77068F12B8857C4DC12563CD0051BDB0

”Digital companies are revolutionizing how the world does tourism. Corporations like Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor, which dominate the multi-billion-dollar global online tourism industry, have become hugely successful. These companies all also list numerous hotels, B&Bs, attractions or tours in Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). They are doing so despite knowing that Israel’s settlements are illegal under international law, and a war crime.”

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

BY LISTING PROPERTIES AND ATTRACTIONS IN ISRAELI

SETTLEMENTS, DIGITAL TOURISM COMPANIES ARE PROFITING

FROM WARCRIMES

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/01/destination-occupation-digital-tourism-israel-illegal-settlements/

[6]

”Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.”

BTSELEM.ORGSTATE BACKED SETTLER VIOLENCE
https://www.btselem.org/topic/settler_violence

Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.

Under international law, Israel has a duty to protect Palestinians in the West Bank from this conduct. However, Israeli authorities routinely shirk this responsibility, even when the violent actions can be anticipated. Thousands of testimonies, videos and reports, as well as many years of close monitoring by B’Tselem and other organizations, reveal that Israeli security forces not only allow settlers to harm Palestinians and their property as a matter of course – they often provide the perpetrators escort and back-up. In some cases, they even join in on the attack. In other instances, security forces have prevented anticipated harm by removing the targeted Palestinians, rather than the Israeli assailants.

The law enforcement agencies, for their part, rarely make settlers face consequences for attacking Palestinians. In almost all cases, the investigations – if one was opened, in the first place – have not resulted in any action taken against the perpetrators. This undeclared policy of lenience toward settler violence aimed at Palestinians has been documented in numerous reports by human rights organizations, as well as in official state reports (such as the Karp Report of 1982 and the Shamgar Report of 1994).

In a ten-year review published in May 2015, human rights organization Yesh Din found that some 85% of investigations into such cases (including violence, arson, damage to property, mutilation of trees and takeover of land) ended with no further action taken, and that the odds of a police complaint filed by a Palestinian resulting in the conviction of an Israeli civilian were a mere 1.9%. Given the futility of this effort, many Palestinians choose to forgo filing a complaint altogether.

Since it was founded in 1989, B’Tselem has been documenting incidents of settler violence against Palestinians and advocating for security forces to fulfill their obligation to protect Palestinians and their property from such injury. For many years, B’Tselem has stressed the duty of Israeli authorities to make the necessary preparations, including allocating forces, to prevent attacks that can be predicted – especially when they are carried out in the open – and arrest the assailants. We have repeatedly called attention to the responsibility of the law enforcement agencies to quickly and efficiently investigate attacks after they take place. B’Tselem has provided the police and the military with documentation of such attacks, including video footage filmed by volunteers. We have also helped Palestinian victims file complaints with the police and have monitored the investigations – including appealing closed cases. After more than 25 years of this work, there is no escaping the conclusion that the authorities merely make a show of law enforcement in this context and that, with few exceptions, they have no interest in seriously investigating settler violence against Palestinians.

A stark example recurs every year during the olive harvest. After repeated settler attacks, the military forbade Palestinian farmers from entering their own land if it lies near a settlement – instead of protecting the farmers by enforcing the law on the settlers. In 2004, the heads of five Palestinian local councils petitioned Israel’s High Court of Justice (HCJ), demanding that the military allow them to access their lands and protect them from settler attacks during the olive harvest. The court accepted the petition about two years later, ruling that the military should not, in general, deny Palestinians access to their land in the name of protecting them. The justices also ruled that the security establishment must “give clear, unequivocal instructions to the forces operating in the field” and also “deploy forces to protect the property of the Palestinian inhabitants” (HCJ 9593/04 Murar et al. v. IDF Commander for Judea and Samaria et al.). As a result, the state created a “coordination system” for supposedly enabling Palestinians throughout the West Bank to access their land for several days, twice a year – during the harvest and plowing seasons. This requires prior coordination with the military, which assigns them a security detail.

In practice, the system does little to resolve this violent reality and is largely another empty show of law enforcement. First, it furthers the assumption that the solution lies with restricting the Palestinian victims, rather than the violent settlers. Second, it is relevant to two specific periods every year, leaving settlers free to roam and vandalize land and trees the rest of the time, while the Palestinian owners are barred access. Third, the military requires Palestinians to undergo such a complicated coordination process and meet so many requirements that, in many cases, attaining access is impossible.

Settler violence has a pervasive impact on life in the West Bank, creating a lingering sense of intimidation. Countless attacks have left their traumatic mark on individual Palestinians and on the collective memory. As a result, many Palestinians now avoid approaching “danger zones” near settlements. Landowners do not dare enter these areas without military escort or Israeli civilians accompanying them. As a result, in some plots, the yield has become so poor that the owners have given up trying to reach the land and tend it. This dynamic has created invisible walls throughout the West Bank, beyond which Palestinians know they face violence to the point of risking their lives.

The rogue settlements euphemistically known as “illegal outposts” – since they were formally established in breach of Israeli law, although they enjoy broad government support and funding – contribute to this reality. These 100 or so outposts, established throughout the West Bank since the 1990s, have effectively taken over large swathes of land, expanding the scope of settlement control. This dispossession has been accompanied by violence towards Palestinian landowners that includes physical assaults, threats, attacks on shepherds and theft of land. Apart from very rare exceptions in which outposts were removed further to legal proceedings, virtually all outposts remain standing and are gradually gaining formal recognition as a substantial part of the settlement enterprise.

Violent actions of settlers against Palestinians are not exceptions to a rule. Rather, they form part of a broader strategy in which the state colludes, as it stands to benefit from the result. Over time, this unchecked violence is gradually driving Palestinians from more and more locations in the West Bank, making it easier for the state to take over land and resources.

[7]

[7]

URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/
” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdf

[8]

THE RIGHTS FORUMSLUIT SPAANSE TREINBOUWER UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN INNEDERLAND14 APRIL 2021
https://rightsforum.org/campagnes/sluit-spaanse-treinenbouwer-caf-uit-van-aanbestedingen-in-nederland/

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden

en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder Nederland- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Vandaag, 30 maart, wordt door Palestijnen herdacht als de Dag van het Land. Dit omdat het nu 45 jaar geleden is dat de Israëlische politie 6 Palestijnse burgers van de zionistische staat doodschoot die demonstreerden tegen overheidsplannen voor de massale onteigening van hun grond. Het sterven in de strijd voor het behoud van het eigen land vat de Palestijnse strijd tegen Israëlische onderdrukking, kolonisatie en apartheid immers op symbolische wijze in een notendop samen. Land die deze staat, Israel genaamd, in bezit wil nemen en zoveel mogelijk wil ontdoen ivan zijn Palestijnse bevolking ten gunste van de vestiging en ontwikkeling van de eigen, joodse, bevolking.

In dit laatste proces is het Baskisch-Spaanse openbaarvervoersbouwbedrijf CAF vandaag de dag tot over zijn oren betrokken. Sinds augustus 2019 werkt het immers, samen met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir die op de VN-database staat van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij Israëls grootscheepse illegale nederzettingenproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, aan de Jerusalem Light Rail: enkele spoorverbindingen die West-Jeruzalem verbinden met illegale Israëlische nederzettingen in- en rondom Oost-Jeruzalem.

Dit brengt, opnieuw, grootscheepse onteigening van Palestijnse grond met zich mee ten gunste van de uitbreiding en ontwikkeling van die koloniale nederzettingen, draagt bij aan de isolatie van Palestijnse woonbuurten, dorpen en steden in en rond Oost-Jeruzalem ten op zichte van die van elders op de Westelijke Jordaanoever en van elkaar en verankerd de wederrechtelijke annexatie van dit Palestijnse gebied nog verder.

Dit annexatieproces brengt toenemende marginalisering van de Palestijnse bevolking met zich mee, een verbod op de bouw van nieuwe woningen en een gestage etnische zuivering uit Oost-Jeruzalem en omgeving. Een proces dat tevens in stand gehouden wordt door de repressie en het geweld tegen die bevolking door Israelische veiligheidstroepen en Joodse kolonisten.

Om deze redenen heeft CAF ook met toenemend verzet en protest tegen haar deelname aan de Jerusalem Light Rail te maken. In Spanje en Baskenland zelf (ook van de kant van arbeiders die daar werkzaam zijn in de CAF-fabrieken!), in Frankrijk, in Groot-Brittannië, in Noorwegen, in Israel-Palestina zelf en nu ook in Nederland! Hier te lande levert CAF de sprintertreinstellen aan de NS, trams en metrostellen aan het Amsterdamse GVB en trams aan de gemeente Utrecht.

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder de onze- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Klik en stuur nu jouw e-mail naar Nederlandse Spoorwegen, GVB and Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht.

EINDE BERICHT

[9]
”Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd.”
THE RIGHTS FORUMNEDERLANDSE OV PARTNER BETROKKEN BIJ ISRAEL’S ILLEGALEKOLINISERING8 MAART 2021
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/nederlandse-ov-partner-betrokken-bij-israels-illegale-kolonisering/

De NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam blijken op grote schaal zaken te doen met de Spaanse treinenbouwer CAF, die wordt beschuldigd van betrokkenheid bij oorlogsmisdaden.

Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden hebben grote orders uitstaan bij de Spaanse treinenbouwer Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles, kortweg CAF. Op LinkedIn meldt de Nederlandse poot van het bedrijf, CAF Netherlands, te werken aan 206 Sprinters voor NS, 54 trams voor de Provincie Utrecht, 72 trams voor de gemeente Amsterdam, en een nieuwe generatie M7-metro’s voor de GVB.

Oorlogsmisdaden

CAF is een topspeler in de internationale markt voor treinen, trams, metro’s, bussen, treinbeveiliging en onderhoud, met een gedegen track record in Nederland. In augustus 2019 kantelde de populariteit van het bedrijf, toen CAF een aanbesteding won van het Israëlische ministerie van Financiën voor de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies (‘nederzettingen’) in bezet Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en de Westelijke Jordaanoever.

De Israëlische kolonisering van bezet Palestijns gebied is illegaal en geldt onder het Statuut van Rome – het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof (ICC) – als oorlogsmisdaad. Juist afgelopen woensdag besloot het ICC, na een voortraject van ruim zes jaar, een officieel onderzoek in te stellen naar oorlogsmisdaden in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden, waarbij de Israëlische kolonisering een van de thema’s vormt.

Foute partners

Binnen het JLR-project werkt CAF samen met het Israëlische ingenieurs- en constructiebedrijf Shapir, dat is opgenomen in de VN-database van bedrijven waarvan is vastgesteld dat zij middels hun activiteiten in bezet gebied bijdragen aan schendingen van het internationaal recht en Palestijnse mensenrechten. Datzelfde geldt voor de Israëlische Bank Hapoalim, die in november 2020 als hoofdfinancier tot de samenwerking toetrad.

Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd. Van de acht potentiële bieders bleven er slechts twee over: CAF-Shapir en een internationaal consortium rond het Chinese CRRC en Israëlische Egged. Ook dat laatste bedrijf komt voor in de VN-database.’

Jeruzalem is taboe’

Het Franse Alstom trok zich terug uit vrees voor hoge boetes die het bedrijf onder Franse wetgeving tegemoetzag – dit nadat Alstoms Israëlische partners die weigerden te compenseren. Denkbaar is ook dat CAF’s concurrenten zich het lot herinneren van de Franse multinational Veolia, die zijn betrokkenheid bij de JLR moest bekopen met een wereldwijde pariastatus en een miljardenverlies. In 2015 trok Veolia zich terug uit het JLR-project, en sindsdien geldt ‘Remember Veolia’ als waarschuwing voor bedrijven die in zijn voetsporen willen treden.

Het Israëlische zakenblad Globes stelde vast dat feitelijk sprake is van een ‘stille boycot’ door internationale transportondernemingen, die een veel groter effect heeft op de Israëlische economie dan bijvoorbeeld de – vaak met veel rumoer omgeven – weigering van beroemdheden om in Israël op te treden. Globes constateert dat Israëls initiële bravoure over de verwachte participatie van liefst acht bieders – uitgelegd als brede steun van het bedrijfsleven voor Israëls kolonisering – in het tegendeel is omgeslagen.

CAF is het nieuwe Veolia

Anderhalf jaar na het winnen van de Israëlische aanbesteding is CAF hard op weg in de voetsporen van Veolia te treden. Het in Baskenland gevestigde spoorbedrijf kreeg te maken met zware oppositie van het eigen personeel, aandeelhouders en vakbonden, en van zeventig Baskische maatschappelijke organisaties die CAF opriepen zich uit het JLR-project terug te trekken. Veel Basken identificeren zich met de nationale aspiraties van de Palestijnen, en beschouwen de handelwijze van CAF ook vanuit dat oogpunt als onacceptabel.

Intussen is onder de slogan ‘CAF Get Off Israel’s Apartheid Train’ ook een internationale campagne op gang gekomen, waarbij zich vakbonden, mensenrechtenorganisaties en tal van andere groeperingen hebben aangesloten. Afgelopen maand diende een coalitie van 31 Palestijnse en internationale organisaties een eis in bij de VN om CAF op te nemen in de database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. In talloze landen wordt de deelname van CAF aan lokale en nationale aanbestedingen aangevochten. In december 2020 trok het bedrijf zich terug uit een aanbesteding in Mexico City nadat tachtig organisaties aandrongen op uitsluiting. In Noorwegen wordt een door acht vakbonden gesteunde campagne gevoerd tegen de deelname van CAF aan een aanbesteding voor nieuw treinmaterieel; een internationale petitie

daartoe is tot dusver bijna vijfduizend maal getekend.

Ook in Nederland zijn protesten tegen CAF op gang gekomen. Het bedrijf zal steeds harder worden aangesproken op zijn ontspoorde activiteiten, en zijn deelname aan nieuwe aanbestedingen zal worden aangevochten. Daarnaast worden CAF’s huidige partners, waaronder de NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam, opgeroepen zich van CAF te distantiëren.

Te weinig aandacht voor mensenrechten

Op grond van het Nederlandse mensenrechtenbeleid en het zogenoemde ‘Maatschappelijk Verantwoord Inkopen’ (MVI) zou het ondenkbaar moeten zijn dat bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij oorlogsmisdaden en andere schendingen van het internationaal recht orders in de wacht slepen die uit publieke middelen worden bekostigd. Maar Nederlandse (semi-)overheden nemen het niet nauw met mensenrechten en MVI, en hebben er in veel gevallen geen moeite mee ‘foute’ bedrijven tot aanbestedingen toe te laten en van opdrachten te voorzien.

Een voorbeeld is het in Nederland actieve Egged Bus Systems (EBS). EBS is een dochterbedrijf van het Israëlische Egged, dat onder meer busdiensten verzorgt tussen Israël en zijn kolonies in bezet gebied, en om die reden is opgenomen in de VN-database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. Desondanks werd EBS door onder meer de Metropoolregio Rotterdam Den Haag (MRDH) toegelaten tot aanbestedeningen, en werden het bedrijf vergunningen verleend voor busdiensten in de regio.

Afgelopen jaren heeft The Rights Forum de betreffende Nederlandse overheden en verantwoordelijke ministeries aangesproken op deze onwenselijke gang van zaken. In hun reacties – waarop vaak langdurig moet worden aangedrongen – schuiven zij hun verantwoordelijkheden steevast af. De bittere realiteit is dat Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden door hun samenwerking met ‘foute’ bedrijven bijdragen aan ernstige schendingen van het recht. CAF geldt daarvan als meest recente voorbeeld.

EINDE ARTIKEL

ISRAEL’S SETTLER RAILWAY COULD BE GOING NOWHERE FAST23 MAY 2019
https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israels-settler-railway-could-be-going-nowhere-fast

Trade unions and human rights organizations in France are celebrating as a victory the withdrawal of train manufacturer Alstom from the Jerusalem light rail.

Meanwhile, it has also been confirmed that a Greek-led consortium failed to submit a bid.

France’s Alstom confirmed to media last week that it had dropped plans to bid on the extension of the Israeli railway that links settlements in the West Bank to each other and to Jerusalem.

Israel’s construction of settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is a war crime.

Alstom’s would-be Israeli partners had revealed earlier this month that the French firm had backed out, citing concerns over how the settler railway violates Palestinian human rights and international law.

The international human rights group FIDH, Palestine’s Al-Haq and French labor federations CFDT and CGT are among a coalition of organizations that welcomed Alstom’s decision as a “win for law.”

Those organizations have long campaigned to end the complicity of French firms in the railway, which they describe as “a tool of the Israeli settlement and annexation policy” in Jerusalem.

Systra, a subsidiary of French state rail firm SNCF and Paris transit authority RATP, had already pulled out of the Israeli project last year.

Earlier this month, The Electronic Intifada broke the news that Canada’s Bombardier had pulled out, along with Australia’s Macquarie and Germany’s Siemens.

With the withdrawal of the Alstom-led consortium, the number of bids on the light rail expansion dropped from an initial seven to just two – one involving China’s CRRC and one including Spanish firm CAF.

And a French subcontractor, Egis, still provides planning and consulting services to the Jerusalem light rail. It is owned by the public firm Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations.

“In the name of corporate ethics, for which no exception should be made, we urgently call upon both the government and the senior management of [Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations] to demand the immediate withdrawal of Egis from this project,” the human rights and labor groups state.

Greece drops bid

The Palestinian Authority’s office in Athens on Thursday welcomed the decision by a Greek-led consortium not to put in a bid to expand the light rail.

The PA embassy expressed its “deep satisfaction that the deadline for the bidding to construct the light railway project in occupied East Jerusalem expired on 13 May 2019, and neither private nor public Greek companies submitted bids.”

“This decision is a clear expression of rejection of colonization,” the PA office added.

Greece’s government, led by the nominally left-wing party Syriza, had previously given strong backing to the consortium that included publicly owned transit firm STASY and private construction firm GEK Terna.

The PA office thanked lawmakers, trade unions, municipalities and activists who had taken a stand against Greek involvement in the settler railway.

Some of the lawmakers who raised questions in parliament about the Greek bid were from Syriza.

Arab ambassadors had also raised objections over the project in a meeting with the Greek foreign minister, according to the PA.

Last month, Yanis Varoufakis, the former Greek finance minister turned pan-European political campaigner, joined the chorus of criticism.

Varoufakis said he was “deeply ashamed of my former Syriza colleagues” for supporting the project and pledged that his new political movement would “commit to fighting against this.”

Israeli spin

The Israeli embassy in Athens put out a press release denying that the Greek bid had been dropped for political reasons.

The embassy claimed that the Greek consortium had put the brakes on the bid for “purely technical reasons.”

But that spin is unlikely to dampen the sense of victory for activists in Greece and across Europe.

Attention will now turn to Spain, whose train maker CAF remains involved in one of the two consortiums still taking part in the tender.

The Israeli business publication Globes conceded that labor opposition “could disrupt CAF’s work if it wins the tender.”

In January, the company’s official workers council voted against the bid.

The French and Palestinian human rights and labor groups are calling on all European governments to “take a clear stance against companies’ involvement in the Israeli policies of annexation, colonization and occupation.”

Chinese role

The other consortium still in the running involves Chinese company CRRC.

“The Chinese entry into the infrastructure market in Israel is alarming the US,” according to Globes.

The Trump administration is mounting a global effort to contain China economically and to sanction companies like CRRC that do business in Iran.

This could place Israel under US pressure not to give the contract to the Chinese-led consortium.

In 2016, China voted to support a UN Security Council resolution reaffirming the illegality of Israel’s settlements and “Condemning all measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem.”

If activists keep up the pace and extend their campaign to include pressuring China to match its rhetoric with action, Israel’s settler railway could be going nowhere fast.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[10]

ZIE NOOT 5

[11]

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aan annexatie en mijdt CAF! – BDS Nederland
Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aa…Maak de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner …
Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aa…Maak de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner …

EINDE NOTEN

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor NS steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

Opgeslagen onder Divers

GVB steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

GVB STEUNT ILLEGALE ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN/SAMENWERKING MET CAF

  • A metro stop
  • CAFCreating rail solutions tailored to suit the needs of each and every customer.Front view of a high-speed train

CAF TRANSPORTSYSTEM, EARNING BLOOD MONEY BY SUPPORTING THEILLEGAL ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS
https://www.caf.net/en/compania/index.phphttps://bdsmovement.net/boycott-caf

https://bdsmovement.net/boycott-caf
Image result for settlements/Images

ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS, ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS, ILLEGAL UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

AANGVBDIRECTIE EN MANAGEMENT
TavMevrouw C. Zuiderwijk/Algemeen DirecteurDe heer M. Lohmeijer/Directeur Techniek en OperatieDe heer K. Beeckmans/Financieel Directeur
Onderwerp:Oproep tot verbreking van alle banden met CAF vanwege betrokkenheidbij de Israelische bezettingspolitiek

Geachte DirectieGeacht Management

Vooraf:Als u erachter staat, dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd, lees dan niet verder.

[Een soortgelijke brief is eveneens verzonden naar het Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht en NS, die net zoals u met CAF in zee zijn gegaan]

Volgens betrouwbare informatie, die mij bereikt heeft, bent u een samenwerkingsverband aangegaan met CAF, de Spaanse leverancier vantreinen en trams [1] en ik roep u per onmiddellijk op om dit misdadigebedrijf uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!
Reden [en dat verklaart dan ook direct waarom ik dit CAF bedrijf”misdadig” noem]:De CAF betrokkenheid bij de Israelische bezettings en landroof politiek!
Hoewel u daarvan op de hoogte had moeten zijn en daarom sowieso nietmet CAF in zee had moeten gaan, zal ik het nog eens uitleggen:
CAF, dat Spaans-Baskische trein en tramvervoerbedrijf, werkt in opdracht vanIsrael aan de uitbreiding van de ”Jerusalem Lightrail”, een sneltramverbinding,die West Jerusalem verbindt met de in bezet Palestijns gebied gelegenillegale nederzettingen in Oost-Jerusalem [Oost-Jerusalem is dus, zoalsu dient te weten, door Israel bezet gebied] [2]Deze samenwerking van CAF aan Lightrail dateert reeds van 2019! [3]

WAAROM MISDADIG?
Ik heb het hierboven al geschreven:Dat CAF bedrijf is misdadig, omdat het willens en wetens meewerkt[en eraan verdient!] aan de instandhouding van de misdadige Israelische bezetting [4] en de direct daaruit voortvloeiende even misdadigenederzettingenpolitiek!Niet alleen zijn die in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde nederzettingenillegaal volgens het Internationaal Recht [5], er is ook overduidelijksprake van directe landroof, omdat bezet Palestijns gebied is GESTOLENvan de bezette Palestijnse bevolking [die van hun rechtmatige gebied isverdreven] ten gunste van uit Israel afkomstige Joodse inwoners, aan wie opvoormalig Palestijns land [of huizen] bewoningen en land is toegewezen.En alsof dat nog niet erg genoeg is, is er regelmatig sprake van terreur en geweld van deze kolonisten [bewoners van de illegale nederzettingen] tegenover de bezette Palestijnse bevolking, al dan niet ondersteund doorIsraelische veiligheidstroepen!Lees er de Israelische mensenrechtenorganisatie B’stelem maar opna! [6]
UW OPDRACHT
Het zou u niet eens meer gezegd moeten worden!Niet alleen had u nooit met CAF, dat de Israelische bezettings en kolonisatiepolitiek faciliteert [7] en er direct aan verdient, in zee moeten gaan, omdatu alle informatie, die ik u hier heb aangedragen, ook wel had kunnen vinden,nu u dus van deze informatie voorzien bent, die anderen dan ik u ook hebben aangedragen [8], dient dit misdadige bedrijf, CAF, per directuit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten!Niet alleen vanwege CAF’s misdadige involvement met Jerusalem Light Rail[zie wat ik daarover reeds geschreven heb in bovenstaande], maar ookdoor de hardleersheid van dit bedrijf.Weet u, dat concurrenten van CAF, zoals Alston, Siemens, Bombardier, Systraen Maquarie zich WEL hebben teruggetrokken uit de Jerusalem Light Railaanbesteding? [9]Neen?Dan weet u het nu!
En dat voorbeeld dient u ook te volgen

EPILOOG
Ik heb het al duidelijk gemaakt en hoef er weinig meer aan toe te voegen:U bent in zee gegaan met CAF, een totaal fout bedrijf, dat door haar betrokkenheid bij Jerusalem Light Rail, medewerkt aan de facilitering eninstandhouding van een van de meest kwalijke aspecten van de Israelischebezettingspolitiek:De in bezet Palestijns gebied gestichte Joods-Israelische nederzettingen,in strijd met het Internationaal Recht [10] en tot stand gekomen door regelrechtediefstal en landroof. BAH!
Daarvan zou u uit uzelf moeten zeggen:Bij zo’n vieze Club wil ik niet horen en er zeker geen vervoermiddelenvan willen afnemen.
Dus nu een duidelijke waarschuwing en eis van mijn kant, waarschijnlijkvoorafgegaan door vele anderen [11]
MIJDT CAF IN DE TOEKOMST, GA NIET MEER MET DEZE MISDADIGERS IN ZEE!
Anders bent u betrokken bij Bloedgeld, Bezetting en Landroofen staat u erachter, dat  dat mensen worden bezet, van hun land wordenverdreven, worden bestolen en/of geintimideerd.
Dat maakt u dan tot mede crimineel
Mijdt dus in de toekomst CAF!Het is al erg genoeg, dat u met hen in zee gegaan bent.
Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid EssedAmsterdam 
NOTEN

[1]

GVB

CAF TRAMS RIJDEN DINSDAG OOK OP LIJN 5

TUSSEN AMSTERDAM EN AMSTELVEEN STADSHART

22 MAART 2021

https://www.spoorpro.nl/lightrail/2021/03/22/caf-trams-rijden-dinsdag-ook-op-lijn-5-tussen-amsterdam-en-amstelveen-stadshart/

De nieuwe CAF-trams van stadsvervoerder GVB zullen niet meer enkel op de Amstelveenlijn rijden. Vanaf dinsdag wordt de 15G-tram ook opgenomen in de dienstregeling van lijn 5 tussen Amsterdam en Amstelveen Stadshart. Dat gebeurt in de kenmerkende blauw-witte kleurstelling en daarmee is sprake van een primeur. Op de Amstelveenlijn rijden de trams namelijk in de R-netkleuren.

De nieuwe CAF-trams van stadsvervoerder GVB zullen niet meer enkel op de Amstelveenlijn rijden. Vanaf dinsdag wordt de 15G-tram ook opgenomen in de dienstregeling van lijn 5 tussen Amsterdam en Amstelveen Stadshart. Dat gebeurt in de kenmerkende blauw-witte kleurstelling en daarmee is sprake van een primeur. Op de Amstelveenlijn rijden de trams namelijk in de R-netkleuren.

Het GVB heeft in totaal 72 nieuwe 15G-trams besteld bij de Spaanse fabrikant CAF, ter vervanging van de oudere 11G- en 12G-trams. Deze worden na meer dan twintig jaar stapsgewijs buitendienst gesteld. Inmiddels zijn er al 43 nieuwe trams geleverd, waarvan achttien in blauw-witte kleuren. Dat is ruimschoots voldoende om op lijn 5 in één keer met volledig nieuwe voertuigen te gaan rijden, maar er is bewust voor gekozen dat niet te doen.

Kinderziektes

“We beginnen met één voertuig om zo alle bestuurders op lijn 5 goed en gedegen de mogelijkheid te geven gewend te raken aan de nieuwe voertuigen”, aldus Iris Bruinsma, unitmanager vervoer bij het GVB. De bestuurders konden afgelopen periode kennismaken met de nieuwe trams, zowel in een simulator als de voertuigen zelf. “Maar het is anders om er de hele dag in dienstregeling mee te rijden en om te gaan met mogelijke kinderziektes.”

Omdat de 15G-trams al ruim drie maanden rijden op de Amstelveenlijn, is er al veel geleerd over het nieuwe voertuig. Desondanks wordt rekening gehouden met mogelijke nieuwe kinderziektes op lijn 5, zoals niet synchroon lopende reisinformatie op de schermen in de tram. “Het is een nieuw tram met nieuwe software op een lijn waarop het voertuig voor het eerst volledig gaat rijden. Alles is eigenlijk nieuw, behalve de lijn zelf natuurlijk.”

Waarborgen robuuste dienstregeling

Als de introductie van de eerste nieuwe CAF-tram op lijn 5 naar behoren verloopt, wordt een week later een tweede ingezet. Dit gaat net zo lang door tot alle elf oude trams zijn vervangen. Deze stapsgewijze aanpak zorgt er volgens de vervoerder voor dat het beste een goede en solide dienstregeling kan worden gewaarborgd met de nieuwe voertuigen. Het GVB kan nog niet zeggen welke lijn als volgende aan de beurt is.

Op de Amstelveenlijn deden zich in de beginfase verschillende kinderziektes voor en was er tijd nodig om gewend te raken aan de nieuwe trams, met vertraging en soms ook rituitval tot gevolg. Hoewel er inmiddels sprake is van een positieve trend, kan in combinatie met de nog kwetsbare infrastructuur op deze lijn nog geen robuuste dienstregeling worden gereden. De Vervoerregio Amsterdam verleende het GVB daarom een half jaar ontheffing voor de concessie-eisen op het gebied van rituitval en punctualiteit.

EINDE BERICHT

THE RIGHTS FORUM

SLUIT SPAANSE TREINENBOUWER CAF UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN

IN NEDERLAND

14 APRIL 2021

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. 

Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

[2]

”Development of the light rail line is bringing prosperity and growth to the city’s real estate and business sectors, an upsurge in cultural and entertainment centers, and accessibility to the downtown area for residents of large neighborhoods, such as Pigat Ze’ev.”

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

ABOUT

JERUSALEM AND THE LIGHT RAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233415/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/ContentPage.aspx?ID=16

ORIGINELE BRON

CITYPASS

JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL

https://web.archive.org/web/20130925233325/http://www.citypass.co.il/english/default.aspx

Pisgat Ze’ev (Hebrew: פסגת זאב‎, lit. Ze’ev’s Peak) is an Israeli settlement in East Jerusalem[1] and the largest residential neighborhood in Jerusalem with a population of over 50,000.[2] Pisgat Ze’ev was established by Israel as one of the city’s five Ring Neighborhoods on land effectively annexed after the 1967 Six-Day War.”

WIKIPEDIA

PISGAT ZE’EV

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pisgat_Ze%27ev” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdfURBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/

The transport authority JTMT (Jerusalem Transportation Masterplan Team) has chosen the TransJerusalem J-Net Ltd consortium, consisting in the CAF Group and the construction firm Saphir, for the Jerusalem light rail project. The project value is 1.8 billion EUR.

The so-called Green line is a PPP (Private-Public Partnership) scheme and includes the construction of 20.6 kilometres of new track, 53 stations and a depot. Jerusalem opened its’ first light rail line, the red line in 2011. The new Green line uses the current Red Line on a stretch of 6.8 km. The contract also includes the design and supply of 114 low-floor Urbos trams (which will be operated as double-tractions) for the new Green Line and the refurbishment of the 46 units which are currently in service on the existing Red Line.

114 Urbos trams and 25 years of operation

The project scope of the consortium will also include the supply of the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation. The CAF Group’s scope of this project exceeds 500 million EUR. The Group will also have a 50% stake in the company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines. The project is expected to be implemented this year with the new network fully operative by 2025.

The future network

The tram’s Red Line currently extends along 13.8 km with 23 stations distributed on the route, was inaugurated in 2011 and providing transport to over 145,000 passengers on average per day. The Green lines is expected to have a ridership of 200,000 passengers per day. It will link the two campuses of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and continue south via Pat junction to Gilo while using a common section with the Red line in the city centre until the terminus of the Tel Aviv – Jerusalem railway station which was inaugurated in 2018.

Of the eight entities that participated in the preliminary stages, only two consortiums submitted bids in the final stage. The other consortium consisted in the companies Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland). Siemens, Alstom and Bombardier are reported to have left the tender process at an earlier stage. The companies did not officially withdraw from the process due to political reasons. Nevertheless, the light rail development in Jerusalem has been criticized in the past as both lines run through the disputed area of East Jerusalem.

EINDE ARTIKEL

INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

TEXT

JERUSALEM Transportation Masterplan Team (JTMT) has awarded the TransJerusalem J-Net consortium, comprised of CAF and the construction firm Shapir, a €1.8bn contract to undertake an extension to the Jerusalem light rail network.

The Private-Public Partnership (PPP) includes the construction of 27km of new track, 53 new stations and various depots covering a 6.8km extension to the Red Line, and the new 20.6km Green Line. The Red Line is currently 13.8km long with 23 stations, and carries around 145,000 passengers daily.

The consortium will also design and supply 114 new Urbos LRVs for the Green Line, and the refurbishment of the 46 vehicles currently in service on the Red Line.

The contract includes the signalling, energy and communication systems, as well as the operation and maintenance of both lines for 15 and 25 years respectively, with the possibility of extending the term of operation.

CAF’s share of the contract is worth more than €500m, and includes the vehicle’s supply and refurbishment, signalling, energy and communication systems and project integration. CAF will also have a 50% stake in the Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) company that will manage the operation and maintenance of both lines, which is expected to have a €1bn turnover.

Construction is expected begin later this year with the new extensions fully operational by 2025.

Shikun & Binui and Egged (Israel), CRRC (China), Comsa (Spain), Efatec (Portugal) and MPK (Poland) also submitted bids for the contract.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[3]URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/


INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY JOURNAL.COM

CAF AND SHAPIR AWARDED JERUSALEM LIGHTRAIL PROJECT CONTRACT

[4]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[5]

ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN

”The establishment of the settlements contravenes international humanitarian law (IHL), which states that an occupying power may not relocate its own citizens to the occupied territory or make permanent changes to that territory, unless these are needed for imperative military needs, in the narrow sense of the term, or undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”

BTSELEM.ORG

SETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements

”It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory”

ICRC.ORG [INTERNATIONALE RODE KRUIS]

WHAT DOES THE LAW SAY ABOUT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SETTLEMENTS

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/faq/occupation-faq-051010.htm#:~:text=It%20is%20unlawful%20under%20the,population%20transfer%20into%20occupied%20territory

05-10-2010 FAQ

When a territory is placed under the authority of a hostile army, the rules of international humanitarian law dealing with occupation apply. Occupation confers certain rights and obligations on the occupying power.

Prohibited actions include forcibly transferring protected persons from the occupied territories to the territory of the occupying power. 
It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory. Any measure designed to expand or consolidate settlements is also illegal. Confiscation of land to build or expand settlements is similarly prohibited. 

ILLEGALITEIT NEDERZETTINGEN VOLGENS ARTIKEL 49, 4E CONVENTIE VAN GENEVE

”Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”

ARTICLE 49, FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION

https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/Article.xsp?action=openDocument&documentId=77068F12B8857C4DC12563CD0051BDB0

”Digital companies are revolutionizing how the world does tourism. Corporations like Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor, which dominate the multi-billion-dollar global online tourism industry, have become hugely successful. These companies all also list numerous hotels, B&Bs, attractions or tours in Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). They are doing so despite knowing that Israel’s settlements are illegal under international law, and a war crime.”

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

BY LISTING PROPERTIES AND ATTRACTIONS IN ISRAELI

SETTLEMENTS, DIGITAL TOURISM COMPANIES ARE PROFITING

FROM WARCRIMES

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/01/destination-occupation-digital-tourism-israel-illegal-settlements/

[6]

”Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.”

BTSELEM.ORGSTATE BACKED SETTLER VIOLENCE
https://www.btselem.org/topic/settler_violence

Violence by settlers (and sometimes by other Israeli civilians) toward Palestinians has long since become part of daily life under occupation in the West Bank. These actions range from blocking roads, throwing stones at cars and houses, raiding villages and farmland, torching fields and olive groves, and damaging crops and property to physical assault, sometimes to the point of hurling Molotov cocktails or using live fire. Over the years, this widespread violence toward Palestinians has resulted in injuries to life and limb, as well as damage to property and land.

Under international law, Israel has a duty to protect Palestinians in the West Bank from this conduct. However, Israeli authorities routinely shirk this responsibility, even when the violent actions can be anticipated. Thousands of testimonies, videos and reports, as well as many years of close monitoring by B’Tselem and other organizations, reveal that Israeli security forces not only allow settlers to harm Palestinians and their property as a matter of course – they often provide the perpetrators escort and back-up. In some cases, they even join in on the attack. In other instances, security forces have prevented anticipated harm by removing the targeted Palestinians, rather than the Israeli assailants.

The law enforcement agencies, for their part, rarely make settlers face consequences for attacking Palestinians. In almost all cases, the investigations – if one was opened, in the first place – have not resulted in any action taken against the perpetrators. This undeclared policy of lenience toward settler violence aimed at Palestinians has been documented in numerous reports by human rights organizations, as well as in official state reports (such as the Karp Report of 1982 and the Shamgar Report of 1994).

In a ten-year review published in May 2015, human rights organization Yesh Din found that some 85% of investigations into such cases (including violence, arson, damage to property, mutilation of trees and takeover of land) ended with no further action taken, and that the odds of a police complaint filed by a Palestinian resulting in the conviction of an Israeli civilian were a mere 1.9%. Given the futility of this effort, many Palestinians choose to forgo filing a complaint altogether.

Since it was founded in 1989, B’Tselem has been documenting incidents of settler violence against Palestinians and advocating for security forces to fulfill their obligation to protect Palestinians and their property from such injury. For many years, B’Tselem has stressed the duty of Israeli authorities to make the necessary preparations, including allocating forces, to prevent attacks that can be predicted – especially when they are carried out in the open – and arrest the assailants. We have repeatedly called attention to the responsibility of the law enforcement agencies to quickly and efficiently investigate attacks after they take place. B’Tselem has provided the police and the military with documentation of such attacks, including video footage filmed by volunteers. We have also helped Palestinian victims file complaints with the police and have monitored the investigations – including appealing closed cases. After more than 25 years of this work, there is no escaping the conclusion that the authorities merely make a show of law enforcement in this context and that, with few exceptions, they have no interest in seriously investigating settler violence against Palestinians.

A stark example recurs every year during the olive harvest. After repeated settler attacks, the military forbade Palestinian farmers from entering their own land if it lies near a settlement – instead of protecting the farmers by enforcing the law on the settlers. In 2004, the heads of five Palestinian local councils petitioned Israel’s High Court of Justice (HCJ), demanding that the military allow them to access their lands and protect them from settler attacks during the olive harvest. The court accepted the petition about two years later, ruling that the military should not, in general, deny Palestinians access to their land in the name of protecting them. The justices also ruled that the security establishment must “give clear, unequivocal instructions to the forces operating in the field” and also “deploy forces to protect the property of the Palestinian inhabitants” (HCJ 9593/04 Murar et al. v. IDF Commander for Judea and Samaria et al.). As a result, the state created a “coordination system” for supposedly enabling Palestinians throughout the West Bank to access their land for several days, twice a year – during the harvest and plowing seasons. This requires prior coordination with the military, which assigns them a security detail.

In practice, the system does little to resolve this violent reality and is largely another empty show of law enforcement. First, it furthers the assumption that the solution lies with restricting the Palestinian victims, rather than the violent settlers. Second, it is relevant to two specific periods every year, leaving settlers free to roam and vandalize land and trees the rest of the time, while the Palestinian owners are barred access. Third, the military requires Palestinians to undergo such a complicated coordination process and meet so many requirements that, in many cases, attaining access is impossible.

Settler violence has a pervasive impact on life in the West Bank, creating a lingering sense of intimidation. Countless attacks have left their traumatic mark on individual Palestinians and on the collective memory. As a result, many Palestinians now avoid approaching “danger zones” near settlements. Landowners do not dare enter these areas without military escort or Israeli civilians accompanying them. As a result, in some plots, the yield has become so poor that the owners have given up trying to reach the land and tend it. This dynamic has created invisible walls throughout the West Bank, beyond which Palestinians know they face violence to the point of risking their lives.

The rogue settlements euphemistically known as “illegal outposts” – since they were formally established in breach of Israeli law, although they enjoy broad government support and funding – contribute to this reality. These 100 or so outposts, established throughout the West Bank since the 1990s, have effectively taken over large swathes of land, expanding the scope of settlement control. This dispossession has been accompanied by violence towards Palestinian landowners that includes physical assaults, threats, attacks on shepherds and theft of land. Apart from very rare exceptions in which outposts were removed further to legal proceedings, virtually all outposts remain standing and are gradually gaining formal recognition as a substantial part of the settlement enterprise.

Violent actions of settlers against Palestinians are not exceptions to a rule. Rather, they form part of a broader strategy in which the state colludes, as it stands to benefit from the result. Over time, this unchecked violence is gradually driving Palestinians from more and more locations in the West Bank, making it easier for the state to take over land and resources.

[7]

[7]

URBAN TRANSPORT MAGAZINECAF-SAPHIR CONSORTIUM WINS JERUSALEM GREEN LINELIGHT RAIL TENDER8 AUGUST 2019
https://www.urban-transport-magazine.com/en/caf-saphir-consortium-wins-jerusalem-green-line-light-rail-tender/
” The Jerusalem light rail connects large Israeli settlement blocs in occupied East Jerusalem with the western part of the city, expropriating occupied Palestinian land and promoting increased territorial contiguity for settlements alongside growing territorial fragmentation for East Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods.”
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
WHO PROFITS.ORGFLASH REPORTTRACKING ANNEXATION:THE JERUSALEM LIGHT RAIL AND THE ISRAELIOCCUPATIONJUL 2017
https://whoprofits.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/old/tracking_annexation_-_the_jerusalem_light_rail_and_the_israeli_occupation.pdf

[8]

THE RIGHTS FORUMSLUIT SPAANSE TREINBOUWER UIT VAN AANBESTEDINGEN INNEDERLAND14 APRIL 2021
https://rightsforum.org/campagnes/sluit-spaanse-treinenbouwer-caf-uit-van-aanbestedingen-in-nederland/

Twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties dringen aan op uitsluiting van CAF van aanbestedingen in Nederland. De Spaanse leverancier van treinen en trams is in Israël/Palestina betrokken bij oorlogsmisdaden. Met een e-mail kunnen Nederlanders hun oproep steunen.

Eind maart stuurden de Algemene Federatie van Onafhankelijke Vakbonden Palestina en de Palestijnse Nieuwe Federatie van Vakbonden een oproep aan de NS, het Amsterdamse GVB en de provincie Utrecht om hun huidige leverancier van ‘rollend materieel’, het Spaanse CAF, uit te sluiten van toekomstige aanbestedingen en opdrachten. Nederlandse burgers kunnen hun oproep per e-mail steunen. Inmiddels hebben meer dan twaalfhonderd Nederlanders dat gedaan. Aanleiding voor de actie is de ontsporing van het voorheen respectabele bedrijf.

De ontsporing van CAF

CAF – voluit Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles – werkt in opdracht van Israël aan de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies in Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en op de Palestijnse Westelijke Jordaanoever. Het project beoogt de illegale Israëlische kolonisering van de Palestijnse gebieden dieper te verankeren.

De Israëlische kolonisering is in strijd met het internationaal recht, en geldt onder de Conventies van Genève en het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof als een oorlogsmisdaad. Daarnaast gaat de kolonisering gepaard met een regime van militaire bezetting en apartheid, en met structurele schendingen van de mensenrechten.

Daar moet je als bedrijf niet aan meewerken. Dat vonden ook Siemens, Bombardier, Alstom en andere bedrijven die zich terugtrokken als potentieel partner in de JLR. Met dat besluit leefden zij de UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights en andere internationale gedragscodes na, die betrokkenheid van bedrijven bij rechtenschendingen tegengaan. Anno 2021 geldt naleving daarvan als ondergrens voor maatschappelijk verantwoord ondernemen.

Desondanks begaf CAF zich in augustus 2019 in het JLR-project. Daartoe werd een alliantie aangegaan met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir Engineering, en samengewerkt met de Israëlische financier Bank Hapoalim. Zowel Shapir als Hapoalim staan op de ‘zwarte’ VN-lijst van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij de kolonisering en de daarmee samenhangende rechtenschendingen. Intussen is ook CAF gekandideerd voor een plek op de lijst.

GEEN ACCEPTABELE PARTNER

In maart publiceerden wij een uitvoerig artikel over de rol van CAF, en over de gevolgen ervan voor het bedrijf. Dat is zwaar onder vuur komen te liggen – eerst van de eigen werknemers en de Baskische regio waar het is gevestigd, maar intussen wereldwijd. Van Mexico tot Noorwegen worden overheden

en bedrijven opgeroepen CAF uit te sluiten van aanbestedingen en contracten.

Dat gebeurt nu ook in Nederland, waar CAF treinen, trams en metro’s bouwt voor bedrijven en overheden als de NS, het Amsterdamse openbaar vervoerbedrijf GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam. Die opdrachtgevers worden nu per e-mail opgeroepen om CAF geen rol in nieuwe aanbestedingen en opdrachten meer te gunnen.

De e-mail-actie, die ook in andere Europese landen wordt gehouden, is geïnitieerd door de Palestijnse BDS Movement, die in 2005 met steun van 171 Palestijnse maatschappelijke organisaties werd opgericht, en intussen geldt als belangrijkste representant van de geweldloze strijd voor Palestijnse rechten. Op de website van BDS Nederland (voorheen docP) is meer te lezen over de actie en de BDS-beweging.

EINDE BERICHT

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder Nederland- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Vandaag, 30 maart, wordt door Palestijnen herdacht als de Dag van het Land. Dit omdat het nu 45 jaar geleden is dat de Israëlische politie 6 Palestijnse burgers van de zionistische staat doodschoot die demonstreerden tegen overheidsplannen voor de massale onteigening van hun grond. Het sterven in de strijd voor het behoud van het eigen land vat de Palestijnse strijd tegen Israëlische onderdrukking, kolonisatie en apartheid immers op symbolische wijze in een notendop samen. Land die deze staat, Israel genaamd, in bezit wil nemen en zoveel mogelijk wil ontdoen ivan zijn Palestijnse bevolking ten gunste van de vestiging en ontwikkeling van de eigen, joodse, bevolking.

In dit laatste proces is het Baskisch-Spaanse openbaarvervoersbouwbedrijf CAF vandaag de dag tot over zijn oren betrokken. Sinds augustus 2019 werkt het immers, samen met het Israëlische bedrijf Shapir die op de VN-database staat van bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij Israëls grootscheepse illegale nederzettingenproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, aan de Jerusalem Light Rail: enkele spoorverbindingen die West-Jeruzalem verbinden met illegale Israëlische nederzettingen in- en rondom Oost-Jeruzalem.

Dit brengt, opnieuw, grootscheepse onteigening van Palestijnse grond met zich mee ten gunste van de uitbreiding en ontwikkeling van die koloniale nederzettingen, draagt bij aan de isolatie van Palestijnse woonbuurten, dorpen en steden in en rond Oost-Jeruzalem ten op zichte van die van elders op de Westelijke Jordaanoever en van elkaar en verankerd de wederrechtelijke annexatie van dit Palestijnse gebied nog verder.

Dit annexatieproces brengt toenemende marginalisering van de Palestijnse bevolking met zich mee, een verbod op de bouw van nieuwe woningen en een gestage etnische zuivering uit Oost-Jeruzalem en omgeving. Een proces dat tevens in stand gehouden wordt door de repressie en het geweld tegen die bevolking door Israelische veiligheidstroepen en Joodse kolonisten.

Om deze redenen heeft CAF ook met toenemend verzet en protest tegen haar deelname aan de Jerusalem Light Rail te maken. In Spanje en Baskenland zelf (ook van de kant van arbeiders die daar werkzaam zijn in de CAF-fabrieken!), in Frankrijk, in Groot-Brittannië, in Noorwegen, in Israel-Palestina zelf en nu ook in Nederland! Hier te lande levert CAF de sprintertreinstellen aan de NS, trams en metrostellen aan het Amsterdamse GVB en trams aan de gemeente Utrecht.

Het BNC biedt openbaar vervoersinstellingen in diverse Europese landen -waaronder de onze- vandaag een brief aan van twee Palestijnse vakbondsfederaties waarin ze worden opgeroepen om de banden met CAF te verbreken zolang het betrokken blijft bij Israëls’ illegale apartheids- en annexatieproject in bezet Palestijns gebied, en er zolang geen contracten mee mee af te sluiten.

Deze brief wordt ondersteund door een E-mail actie gericht aan de betrokken openbaar vervoersinstanties, hier in Nederland de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer. Maak deze instanties duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner kunnen blijven accepteren en er geen contracten meer mee af moeten sluiten zolang het betrokken blijft bij de Jerusalem Light Rail en daarmee de rechten van de Palestijnen helpt vertrappen, en stuur je mail!

Klik en stuur nu jouw e-mail naar Nederlandse Spoorwegen, GVB and Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht.

EINDE BERICHT

[9]
”Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd.”
THE RIGHTS FORUMNEDERLANDSE OV PARTNER BETROKKEN BIJ ISRAEL’S ILLEGALEKOLINISERING8 MAART 2021
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/nederlandse-ov-partner-betrokken-bij-israels-illegale-kolonisering/

De NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam blijken op grote schaal zaken te doen met de Spaanse treinenbouwer CAF, die wordt beschuldigd van betrokkenheid bij oorlogsmisdaden.

Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden hebben grote orders uitstaan bij de Spaanse treinenbouwer Construcciones y Auxiliar de Ferrocarriles, kortweg CAF. Op LinkedIn meldt de Nederlandse poot van het bedrijf, CAF Netherlands, te werken aan 206 Sprinters voor NS, 54 trams voor de Provincie Utrecht, 72 trams voor de gemeente Amsterdam, en een nieuwe generatie M7-metro’s voor de GVB.

Oorlogsmisdaden

CAF is een topspeler in de internationale markt voor treinen, trams, metro’s, bussen, treinbeveiliging en onderhoud, met een gedegen track record in Nederland. In augustus 2019 kantelde de populariteit van het bedrijf, toen CAF een aanbesteding won van het Israëlische ministerie van Financiën voor de uitbreiding van de zogenoemde Jerusalem Light Rail (JLR), een sneltram die Israëlisch West-Jeruzalem verbindt met Israëlische kolonies (‘nederzettingen’) in bezet Palestijns Oost-Jeruzalem en de Westelijke Jordaanoever.

De Israëlische kolonisering van bezet Palestijns gebied is illegaal en geldt onder het Statuut van Rome – het oprichtingsverdrag van het Internationaal Strafhof (ICC) – als oorlogsmisdaad. Juist afgelopen woensdag besloot het ICC, na een voortraject van ruim zes jaar, een officieel onderzoek in te stellen naar oorlogsmisdaden in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden, waarbij de Israëlische kolonisering een van de thema’s vormt.

Foute partners

Binnen het JLR-project werkt CAF samen met het Israëlische ingenieurs- en constructiebedrijf Shapir, dat is opgenomen in de VN-database van bedrijven waarvan is vastgesteld dat zij middels hun activiteiten in bezet gebied bijdragen aan schendingen van het internationaal recht en Palestijnse mensenrechten. Datzelfde geldt voor de Israëlische Bank Hapoalim, die in november 2020 als hoofdfinancier tot de samenwerking toetrad.

Opmerkelijk is dat de belangrijkste concurrenten van CAF – gerenommeerde bedrijven als Alstom, Siemens, Bombardier, Systra en Macquarie – zich allemaal al eerder uit de JLR-aanbesteding terugtrokken, waarbij met name het tracé door Oost-Jeruzalem als taboe werd gekwalificeerd. Van de acht potentiële bieders bleven er slechts twee over: CAF-Shapir en een internationaal consortium rond het Chinese CRRC en Israëlische Egged. Ook dat laatste bedrijf komt voor in de VN-database.’

Jeruzalem is taboe’

Het Franse Alstom trok zich terug uit vrees voor hoge boetes die het bedrijf onder Franse wetgeving tegemoetzag – dit nadat Alstoms Israëlische partners die weigerden te compenseren. Denkbaar is ook dat CAF’s concurrenten zich het lot herinneren van de Franse multinational Veolia, die zijn betrokkenheid bij de JLR moest bekopen met een wereldwijde pariastatus en een miljardenverlies. In 2015 trok Veolia zich terug uit het JLR-project, en sindsdien geldt ‘Remember Veolia’ als waarschuwing voor bedrijven die in zijn voetsporen willen treden.

Het Israëlische zakenblad Globes stelde vast dat feitelijk sprake is van een ‘stille boycot’ door internationale transportondernemingen, die een veel groter effect heeft op de Israëlische economie dan bijvoorbeeld de – vaak met veel rumoer omgeven – weigering van beroemdheden om in Israël op te treden. Globes constateert dat Israëls initiële bravoure over de verwachte participatie van liefst acht bieders – uitgelegd als brede steun van het bedrijfsleven voor Israëls kolonisering – in het tegendeel is omgeslagen.

CAF is het nieuwe Veolia

Anderhalf jaar na het winnen van de Israëlische aanbesteding is CAF hard op weg in de voetsporen van Veolia te treden. Het in Baskenland gevestigde spoorbedrijf kreeg te maken met zware oppositie van het eigen personeel, aandeelhouders en vakbonden, en van zeventig Baskische maatschappelijke organisaties die CAF opriepen zich uit het JLR-project terug te trekken. Veel Basken identificeren zich met de nationale aspiraties van de Palestijnen, en beschouwen de handelwijze van CAF ook vanuit dat oogpunt als onacceptabel.

Intussen is onder de slogan ‘CAF Get Off Israel’s Apartheid Train’ ook een internationale campagne op gang gekomen, waarbij zich vakbonden, mensenrechtenorganisaties en tal van andere groeperingen hebben aangesloten. Afgelopen maand diende een coalitie van 31 Palestijnse en internationale organisaties een eis in bij de VN om CAF op te nemen in de database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. In talloze landen wordt de deelname van CAF aan lokale en nationale aanbestedingen aangevochten. In december 2020 trok het bedrijf zich terug uit een aanbesteding in Mexico City nadat tachtig organisaties aandrongen op uitsluiting. In Noorwegen wordt een door acht vakbonden gesteunde campagne gevoerd tegen de deelname van CAF aan een aanbesteding voor nieuw treinmaterieel; een internationale petitie

daartoe is tot dusver bijna vijfduizend maal getekend.

Ook in Nederland zijn protesten tegen CAF op gang gekomen. Het bedrijf zal steeds harder worden aangesproken op zijn ontspoorde activiteiten, en zijn deelname aan nieuwe aanbestedingen zal worden aangevochten. Daarnaast worden CAF’s huidige partners, waaronder de NS, het GVB, de provincie Utrecht en de gemeente Amsterdam, opgeroepen zich van CAF te distantiëren.

Te weinig aandacht voor mensenrechten

Op grond van het Nederlandse mensenrechtenbeleid en het zogenoemde ‘Maatschappelijk Verantwoord Inkopen’ (MVI) zou het ondenkbaar moeten zijn dat bedrijven die betrokken zijn bij oorlogsmisdaden en andere schendingen van het internationaal recht orders in de wacht slepen die uit publieke middelen worden bekostigd. Maar Nederlandse (semi-)overheden nemen het niet nauw met mensenrechten en MVI, en hebben er in veel gevallen geen moeite mee ‘foute’ bedrijven tot aanbestedingen toe te laten en van opdrachten te voorzien.

Een voorbeeld is het in Nederland actieve Egged Bus Systems (EBS). EBS is een dochterbedrijf van het Israëlische Egged, dat onder meer busdiensten verzorgt tussen Israël en zijn kolonies in bezet gebied, en om die reden is opgenomen in de VN-database van ‘foute’ bedrijven. Desondanks werd EBS door onder meer de Metropoolregio Rotterdam Den Haag (MRDH) toegelaten tot aanbestedeningen, en werden het bedrijf vergunningen verleend voor busdiensten in de regio.

Afgelopen jaren heeft The Rights Forum de betreffende Nederlandse overheden en verantwoordelijke ministeries aangesproken op deze onwenselijke gang van zaken. In hun reacties – waarop vaak langdurig moet worden aangedrongen – schuiven zij hun verantwoordelijkheden steevast af. De bittere realiteit is dat Nederlandse bedrijven en overheden door hun samenwerking met ‘foute’ bedrijven bijdragen aan ernstige schendingen van het recht. CAF geldt daarvan als meest recente voorbeeld.

EINDE ARTIKEL

ISRAEL’S SETTLER RAILWAY COULD BE GOING NOWHERE FAST23 MAY 2019
https://electronicintifada.net/blogs/ali-abunimah/israels-settler-railway-could-be-going-nowhere-fast

Trade unions and human rights organizations in France are celebrating as a victory the withdrawal of train manufacturer Alstom from the Jerusalem light rail.

Meanwhile, it has also been confirmed that a Greek-led consortium failed to submit a bid.

France’s Alstom confirmed to media last week that it had dropped plans to bid on the extension of the Israeli railway that links settlements in the West Bank to each other and to Jerusalem.

Israel’s construction of settlements in the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, is a war crime.

Alstom’s would-be Israeli partners had revealed earlier this month that the French firm had backed out, citing concerns over how the settler railway violates Palestinian human rights and international law.

The international human rights group FIDH, Palestine’s Al-Haq and French labor federations CFDT and CGT are among a coalition of organizations that welcomed Alstom’s decision as a “win for law.”

Those organizations have long campaigned to end the complicity of French firms in the railway, which they describe as “a tool of the Israeli settlement and annexation policy” in Jerusalem.

Systra, a subsidiary of French state rail firm SNCF and Paris transit authority RATP, had already pulled out of the Israeli project last year.

Earlier this month, The Electronic Intifada broke the news that Canada’s Bombardier had pulled out, along with Australia’s Macquarie and Germany’s Siemens.

With the withdrawal of the Alstom-led consortium, the number of bids on the light rail expansion dropped from an initial seven to just two – one involving China’s CRRC and one including Spanish firm CAF.

And a French subcontractor, Egis, still provides planning and consulting services to the Jerusalem light rail. It is owned by the public firm Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations.

“In the name of corporate ethics, for which no exception should be made, we urgently call upon both the government and the senior management of [Caisse des Dépôts et Consignations] to demand the immediate withdrawal of Egis from this project,” the human rights and labor groups state.

Greece drops bid

The Palestinian Authority’s office in Athens on Thursday welcomed the decision by a Greek-led consortium not to put in a bid to expand the light rail.

The PA embassy expressed its “deep satisfaction that the deadline for the bidding to construct the light railway project in occupied East Jerusalem expired on 13 May 2019, and neither private nor public Greek companies submitted bids.”

“This decision is a clear expression of rejection of colonization,” the PA office added.

Greece’s government, led by the nominally left-wing party Syriza, had previously given strong backing to the consortium that included publicly owned transit firm STASY and private construction firm GEK Terna.

The PA office thanked lawmakers, trade unions, municipalities and activists who had taken a stand against Greek involvement in the settler railway.

Some of the lawmakers who raised questions in parliament about the Greek bid were from Syriza.

Arab ambassadors had also raised objections over the project in a meeting with the Greek foreign minister, according to the PA.

Last month, Yanis Varoufakis, the former Greek finance minister turned pan-European political campaigner, joined the chorus of criticism.

Varoufakis said he was “deeply ashamed of my former Syriza colleagues” for supporting the project and pledged that his new political movement would “commit to fighting against this.”

Israeli spin

The Israeli embassy in Athens put out a press release denying that the Greek bid had been dropped for political reasons.

The embassy claimed that the Greek consortium had put the brakes on the bid for “purely technical reasons.”

But that spin is unlikely to dampen the sense of victory for activists in Greece and across Europe.

Attention will now turn to Spain, whose train maker CAF remains involved in one of the two consortiums still taking part in the tender.

The Israeli business publication Globes conceded that labor opposition “could disrupt CAF’s work if it wins the tender.”

In January, the company’s official workers council voted against the bid.

The French and Palestinian human rights and labor groups are calling on all European governments to “take a clear stance against companies’ involvement in the Israeli policies of annexation, colonization and occupation.”

Chinese role

The other consortium still in the running involves Chinese company CRRC.

“The Chinese entry into the infrastructure market in Israel is alarming the US,” according to Globes.

The Trump administration is mounting a global effort to contain China economically and to sanction companies like CRRC that do business in Iran.

This could place Israel under US pressure not to give the contract to the Chinese-led consortium.

In 2016, China voted to support a UN Security Council resolution reaffirming the illegality of Israel’s settlements and “Condemning all measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem.”

If activists keep up the pace and extend their campaign to include pressuring China to match its rhetoric with action, Israel’s settler railway could be going nowhere fast.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[10]

ZIE NOOT 5

[11]

BDS NEDERLAND:

STUUR EEN MAIL AAN NS, GVB EN OPENBAAR VERVOER UTRECHT: WERK NIET MEE AAN ANNEXATIE

EN MIJDT CAF!

30 MAART 2021

Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aan annexatie en mijdt CAF! – BDS Nederland
Stuur een mail aan NS, GVB en Openbaar Vervoer Utrecht: werk niet mee aa…Maak de NS, het GVB en het Utrechtse openbaar vervoer duidelijk waarom ze CAF niet als een samenwerkingspartner …

EINDE NOTEN

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor GVB steunt illegale Israelische nederzettingen/Samenwerking met CAF

Opgeslagen onder Divers

TV Film weer in de fout/Voor de derde keer promotie van de Israelische filmactrice Gal Gadot, verdedigster van oorlogsmisdaden!

Image result for Destruction of Gaza/Images

MISDADEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTINGVERWOESTING VAN GAZA

BEZETTINGSTERREUR
foto Oda Hulsen Hebron 2 mei 2017/Verwijst naar foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die tegen de muur wordt gezet doorIsraelische soldaten, die hem toeriepen ”Where is your knife!”/Later vrijgelaten

NB Het is dus NIET de foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die bij de kraag wordt gegrepen

Foto van Oda Hulsen valt soms weg

Since late 2015, 249 Palestinians have been killed in Israel and the Palestinian territories [File: EPA]http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/palestinian-teen-killed-israeli-army-clashes-170116155810513.html

Image result for settlements/Images

BITTEREBIJPRODUCTEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTING

ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN IN DE BEZETTE PALESTIJNSEGEBIEDENILLEGAAL VOLGENS HET INTERNATIONAAL RECHThttps://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html

TV FILM WEER IN DE FOUT/VOOR DE DERDE KEER PROMOTIEVAN DE ISRAELISCHE FILMACTRICE GAL GADOT, VERDEDIGSTERVAN ISRAELISCHE OORLOGSMISDADEN!

FIRST THEY IGNORE YOUTHEN THEY LAUGH AT YOUTHEN THEY FIGHT YOUTHEN….YOU WIN
MAHATMA GANDHI
https://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/mahatma_gandhi_103630

AANRedactie TV FilmOnderwerp: Filmquiz:”Win de dvd van Wonder Woman 1984”Gal Gadot verdedigt oorlogsmisdaden

Geachte Redactie,[Zie onder Epiloog wat ik van u verlang en eis.In onderstaande brief is dat toegelicht]
Een Oud Spreekwoord zegt:”Een Ezel stoot zich in het gemeen niet twee keer aan dezelfde steen”Nu, TV Film redactie, ezels moeten wel uiterst intelligente dieren zijnin vergelijking met de stupide EN gevaarlijke wijze, waarop u nu, voor de Derde Keer, de Israelische filmactrice Gal Gadot promoot, die zonder meer eenFout Figuur genoemd mag worden.Daarover heb ik u reeds eerder, in twee afzonderlijke mails aangeschreven,zonder enige reactie uwerzijds [uiterst onwellevend, maar dat daargelaten].Zie mijn eerdere mails aan u, geheel onderin, onder C.En te uwer informatie:Ze zijn verspreid binnen mijn netwerk, zoals met deze ook het geval is.Mijn mail deleten of wegmoffelen zal dus geen enkel effect hebben.
LEES VERDER!
Opnieuw trof ik dus in uw TV Film Gids, Nummer 8, van 10 t/m 23 april,op bladzijde 4 en 5, een promotion aan van filmactrice Gal Gadot.Deze keer in de vorm van een ”filmquiz”, waarmee de dvd van Wonder Woman1984” te winnen was.Zie voor de tekst van uw promotion stukje direct onder P/S, A
De epitheta [1] en lovende kwalificaties zoals ”beeldschone actrice” warenniet van de lucht.Dat zijn uw woorden, maar wel van belang is, de zaken goed weer te geven:Zo schreef u onder nummer 1 van uw quiz:”Wonder Woman heet in het echt dus Diane King. Diane is ookde Romeinse godin van de…..f) dageraadg) jachth) wraak”
Ik neem aan, dat u zelf het juiste antwoord op die Vraag weet.Maar het is dan wel van belang, de naam correct weer te geven:De Romeinse Godin ”Diane” bestaat namelijk niet.De taal van de Romeinen was het Latijn en in het Latijn ishet niet ”Diane”, maar Diana [2]Als u deze Godin noemt, dan graag de correcte naam!
Maar dit is ondergeschikt aan dat groteske en gevaarlijke, de promotie,voor de derde keer van iemand, die oorlogsmisdaden verdedigt en verheerlijkt!Nog een keer voor u op een rijtje:
Deze Israelische filmactrice,Gal Gadot, die u nu weer in een filmquiz promoot,  heeft onvermoede, nare kanten.Niet alleen heeft zij gediend in het Israelische leger [3], dat zoals u weet, of althans behoort te weten, een bezettingsleger is, met alle daaraan gekoppelde onderdrukking en terreur [4], het is nog erger.
Want nu kan men nog aanvoeren, dat militaire dienstplicht in Israel verplicht is en dat niet iedere Israelische soldaat, hoewel deze wel de bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden in stand houdt, zich per definitie heeft schuldig gemaakt aan oorlogsmisdaden.

ECHTER:
Deze ”beeldschone” filmactrice heeft zich van haar meest weerzinwekkende kant laten zien door de moordende Israelische aanval op Gaza ”Protective Edge” uit juli-augustus 2014, te ondersteunen!
Ik citeer de Britse krant The Independent:
”As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”” [5]

Nou laat ik de politieke en verzetsbeweging Hamas even buiten beschouwing, zonder te ontkennen, dat Hamas zich zeker ook schuldig maakt aan ongerechtigheden [6] , maar daar gaat het hier niet om.
Gadot verzwijgt niet alleen het feit, dat Israel bezettingsmacht is sinds 1967 en zich heeft schuldig gemaakt-en nog doet- aan onder andere misdaden zoals foltering, etnische zuiveringen, landroof [bouw en uitbreiding in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde illegale nederzettingen], apartheid en oorlogsmisdaden [7]
In  die specifieke Israelische militaire aanval op Gaza, waarvoor zij met haar [onschuldige] dochtertje bidt [wat een goddeloos Gebed!][8], heeft Israel zich schuldig gemaakt aan zware oorlogsmisdaden:In de aanval op Gaza in 2014 , waarvoor la Gadot heeft gebeden, zijn in twee maanden tijd 1391 Palestijnse burgers gedood, waaronder 526 kinderen [9], een VN school werd gebombardeerd [10], een ziekenhuis werd beschoten [11], moet ik doorgaan?
Ik denk, dat dit wel een Beeld geeft.Wie een dergelijke misdadige aanval verdedigt, applaudisseert dus voor het doden van ongewapende burgers en kinderen en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen.

EPILOOG
Ik vraag u niet om aan politiek te doen, WEL stil te staan bij het feit, dat wie openlijk misdaden als het targetten van burgers [12] en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen verdedigt, geen wervende ”filmquiz”  in uw TV krant verdient , op twee bladzijden nota bene met een malle prijsvraag daaraan gekoppeld. 
En zeker hoort daar geen levensgrote foto van IDF lover Gadot [13] bij!

Ik eis, nu voor de DERDE KEER, geen foto’s, promotiesof anderszins meer aan te treffen, want zo wordt u, of u het nu wil of niet, onderdeel van het probleem, dat aan de wortel ligt van het huidige Midden Oostenconflict.Ik ben niet de enige, die hiertegen in het geweer komt!Er staat een hele Beweging klaar om u te bekritiseren,als u doorgaat, deze so called actrice te promoten.
Maar ook al klimt zij [deze Beweging] niet hiervoor inde pen, ik neem hierin mijn verantwoordelijkheid WEL!
Gaat u dus zo door en onze Paden zullen elkaar kruisen,zolang ik dat tenminste nodig acht.

Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid EssedAmsterdam 
P/S
TEKST VAN FILMQUIZ TV FILM [A],DAARONDER DE NOTEN [B]EN DAARONDER MIJN EERDERE MAILSAAN TV FILM [C]

A
TEKST FILMQUIZ ”WIN WONDER WOMAN 1984]
TV FILM”WIN DE DVD VAN WONDER WOMAN 1094”WAARVAN ACTIE!
BLADZIJDE 4 EN 5

BLADZIJDE 4:
Dat is nog eens leuk nieuws. Per 7 april is Wonder Woman 1984verkrijgbaar op dvd*Wil je Gal Gadot als actieheldin Diane King van het scherm zien spatten?Doe dan mee met deze prijsvraag.
BEELD WARNER
1
Wonder Woman heet in het echt dus Diane King. Diane is ookde Romeinse godin van de…..f) dageraadg) jachth) wraak
2
In 2017 kroop Gal Gadot in de huid van Wonder Woman.Uit welk land komt deze beeldschone actrice?g) Ierlandh) Italiei) Israel

3
Gal Gadot was niet de eerste Wonder Woman. Wie speeldedeze superheldin van ’75 tot ’79 in een tv-serie?r) Linda Carters) Diana Riggt) Jaclyn Smith
4
De nieuwe Wonder Woman 1984 speelt zich dus af in de jaren 80.Welke tragische gebeurtenis vond plaats in 1984?k) Heizeldramal) Zanger Marvin Gaye wordt doodgeschoten, nota bene door zijneigen vader en een dag voor zijn verjaardag.m) Biermagnaat Alfred Heineken wordt ontvoerd.

5
Welke vrouw regisseerde Wonder Woman in Wonder Woman 1984?n) Kathryn Bigalowo) Anna Bodenp) Patty Jenkins

6
Wonder Woman is bedacht door William Moulton Marston.[Zie ook de film Professor Marston and the Wonder Women uit2017]. Hij liet zich voor het personage inspireren door zijn vrouwen zijn…..n) buurvrouwo) minnaresp) nichtje

7
In Wonder Woman 1984 krijgt Diane het aan de stok met een vrouwmet een bijnaam die weinig goeds belooft. Hoe luidt deze?w) Cheetahx) Lionessy) Snake

8
Wie speelt Steve Trevor, de ”partner in crime” van Wonder Woman?d) Liam Hemsworthe) Chris Pinef) Mark Ruffalo

9

Gal Gadot zal later dit jaar nog een dominante dame in een film spelen, wie?r) Cleopatras) Lady Macbetht) Mata Hari

BLADZIJDE 5

LEVENSGROTE FOTO VAN GAL GADOT ALS ”WONDER WOMAN”

[Rechtsboven naast levensgrote foto van Gal Gadot, de volgende tekst]

*Per 31 maart tegen betaling ook al via o.a. Pathe Thuis en Apple TV en 
Amazon Prime Video en per 7 april ook op o.a. Blu-Ray en Steelbook 4KUHD Ultra.

[Rechtsonder naast levensgrote foto van Gal Gadot, de volgende tekst:]

FILMQUIZ
Klaar met puzzelen?Alle letters van de juiste antwoorden vormen samen een begrip,dat van toepassing is op Wonder Woman en Gal Gadot.Ga voor 24 april naar www.tvfilm.nl Klik op”winnen” en wie weet, win jij 1 van de 8 dvd’s vanWonder Woman 1984.Wonder Woman, vanaf 7-4 op o.a. DVD en BLU-RAY
[Met daarnaast een foto plaatje van de DVD van ”Wonder Woman”, met daarboven ”CLICK & WIN”]

EINDE BERICHT TV FILM

B
NOTEN

[1]

EPITHETA [Grieks], MEERVOUD VAN EPITHETON

WIKIPEDIAEPITHETON
https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Epitheton

[2]

WIKIPEDIADIANA (MYTHOLOGIE]

https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diana_(mythologie)

[3]
”Gadot completed her two mandatory years of military service in the Israel Defense Forces, enlisted as a combat fitness instructor.
WIKIPEDIAGAL GADOT/EARLY LIFE
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gal_Gadot#Early_life

ORIGINELE BRON
WIKIPEDIA
GAL GADOT
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gal_Gadot

[4]

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

THE RIGHTS FORUM

[5]

THE INDEPENDENT:

WONDERWOMA GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY

1 AUGUST 2014

https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-israel-gaza-israeli-actress-s-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html

Israeli actress Gal Gadot – who was recently unveiled as the caped superhero in Zack Snyder’s new DC movie Batman v. Superman: Dawn of Justice – caused a stir by posting a message of support for the Israel Defence Forces via her official Facebook page, just days before a poster of her in character first debuted.

As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”
The post quickly garnered over 200,000 ‘likes’, and thousands of shares with fellow pro-IDF supporters. It also received more than 15,000 comments, both aggressively opposed to her position and stridently for it
“Zionist israeli army is the biggest terrorist organisation!,” one follower responded. “Palestinians are facing ethnic cleansing ever since the zionist israelis started snatching land! What would you do if your land home and everything you had is being taken away constantly?[sic]”

Of course, Gadot isn’t the only famous person who has pledged their support for the IDF. Bill Maher shocked with this Twitter quip, while Joan Rivers defended the Israeli government’s military offensive with this.Those who have declared their support for the Palestinian cause include Zayn Malik, Rihanna, Penelope Cruz and Russell Brand.

[6]

THE RIGHTS FORUM

HAMAS BEANTWOORDT ”OPSTAND VAN DE HONGERIGEN” MET GEWELD

18 MAART 2019

Met grof geweld en arrestaties reageerde Hamas de afgelopen dagen op demonstraties in de Gazastrook tegen prijsverhogingen en de slechte leefomstandigheden. Tientallen betogers werden afgetuigd, honderden opgepakt. Palestijnse mensenrechtenorganisaties uiten zware kritiek op Hamas.

Wij willen leven!’ Onder dat motto gingen afgelopen donderdag, vrijdag en zaterdag inwoners van de Gazastrook de straat op om te demonstreren tegen de extreme leefomstandigheden en recente belastingverhogingen op voedsel en andere elementaire levensbehoeften. Op zeker zeven plaatsen betoogden zij tegen Hamas, de feitelijke bestuurder van Gaza, en tegen de Palestijnse Autoriteit (PA), de officiële machthebber die is gevestigd in Ramallah op de bezette Westelijke Jordaanoever.

Honger

De protesten zijn overwegend georganiseerd door jongeren uit vluchtelingenkampen die het leven in armoede en uitzichtloosheid zat zijn. Onder hen velen die niet eerder bij de organisatie van protesten betrokken waren, schrijft Haaretz (€). In Gaza wordt letterlijk honger geleden vertelt Samir Zaqut, onderdirecteur van de in Gaza gevestigde mensenrechtenorganisatie Al-Mezan, de krant:

In the past, poverty never reached the level of hunger. I can’t say that anymore: today there is definitely hunger. The demonstrations are part of the response to this difficult situation, especially among young people.

Politie- en veiligheidsdiensten van Hamas, zowel in uniform als in burger, traden hard op om de demonstraties de kop in te drukken. Betogers werden met pepperspray bespoten en met wapenstokken afgetuigd. Ook werd in de lucht geschoten. Journalisten zagen hun telefoons in beslag genomen, zodat ze geen opnamen van het geweld konden maken. Sommige burgers die opnamen maakten kregen ordetroepen over de vloer, die het materiaal in beslag namen.

Vele tientallen mensen raakten gewond. Bij een inval in het huis van een journalist werden twee daar aanwezige medewerkers van de Independent Commission for Human Rights (ICHR) afgetuigd en vervolgens korte tijd vastgehouden. Zaterdag werden vier medewerkers van Al-Mezan en twee andere organisaties met geweld opgepakt. Na ondervraging werden ze vrijgelaten.

Naar schatting zeshonderd mensen, onder wie 19 journalisten, zijn de afgelopen dagen opgepakt en vastgezet. Een aantal van hen is inmiddels op vrije voeten. Onduidelijk is hoeveel mensen nog vastzitten.

Steeds vaker protest tegen Hamas

Hamas beschuldigt de PA ervan achter de demonstraties te zitten. Bij sommige betogingen verschenen leden van de Al-Qassam-brigades, de militaire tak van Hamas, met posters van PA-president Mahmud Abbas en de tekst ‘Vertrek’.

De afgelopen twee jaar trachtte de PA Hamas met draconische maatregelen – het terugschroeven op zelfs stopzetten van betalingen voor elektriciteit, medische voorzieningen en ambtenarensalarissen – op de knieën te dwingen. Daarmee verergerde ze de dramatische effecten van de bijna twaalf jaar durende Israëlische blokkade. Het volledig stopzetten van de Amerikaanse hulp aan de Palestijnen door president Trump maakte de ellende nog groter.

Protesten van de bevolking van Gaza zijn doorgaans dan ook gericht tegen Israël, Trump en de PA. Maar steeds vaker wordt ook tegen Hamas gedemonstreerd, dat verantwoordelijk is voor de recente prijsstijgingen van eerste levensbehoeften. De hardhandige reactie van Hamas op de protesten maakte onder de bevolking opnieuw bittere kritiek los. Op Facebook regende het verontwaardigde statements van inwoners van Gaza.

Mensenrechtenorganisaties

Zware kritiek is er ook van Palestijnse mensenrechtenorganisaties, waaronder Al-MezanAl-Haq, de ICHR en het Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR). Zij roepen de autoriteiten op de gevangenen vrij te laten en de vrijheid van meningsuiting, vergadering en demonstratie te respecteren, die is vastgelegd in de Palestijnse ‘Basic Law’ en het internationaal recht. Daarnaast willen zij dat onderzoek wordt ingesteld naar het geweld tijdens de ‘Opstand van de hongerigen’, dat schuldigen worden vervolgd en slachtoffers recht wordt gedaan.

Namens de Verenigde Naties veroordeelde Nickolay Mladenov, de Speciale Coördinator voor het Midden-Oosten Vredesproces, het optreden van Hamas. Ook hij benadrukte het recht van de bevolking om te demonstreren tegen misstanden:

The long-suffering people of Gaza were protesting the dire economic situation and demanded an improvement in the quality of life in the Gaza Strip. It is their right to protest without fear of reprisal.

Mars van Terugkeer-demonstraties afgelast

Voor het eerst in bijna een jaar werden afgelopen vrijdag de wekelijkse ‘Grote Mars van Terugkeer’-demonstraties bij het zogenoemde ‘grenshek’ tussen Gaza en Israël geannuleerd. Aanleiding daartoe vormden aanvallen van de Israëlische luchtmacht op honderd ‘Hamas-doelen’ in de voorafgaande nacht.

De aanvallen volgden op het afschieten van twee raketten vanuit Gaza in de richting van Tel Aviv eerder in de nacht. De raketten zouden per ongeluk zijn afgevuurd tijdens onderhoudswerkzaamheden, luidde achteraf de door Israël onderschreven verklaring. De raketten kwamen in open terrein terecht en richtten geen schade aan. Bij de Israëlische luchtaanvallen raakten vier Palestijnen gewond.

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

ANOTHER BRUTAL CRACKDOWN BY HAMAS IN GAZA

20 MARCH 2019

https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/03/20/another-brutal-crackdown-hamas-gaza

[7]

[7]

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.

MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHT

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

FOLTERING:
BTSELEM.ORG

TORTURE AND ABUSE IN INTERROGATION

https://www.btselem.org/topic/torture

ETNISCHE ZUIVERINGEN

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINE: BEDOUINS FACE IMMINENT DISPACEMENT

https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/11/24/israel/palestine-bedouins-face-imminent-displacement

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

REPORTLAND AND HOUSING RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ISRAEL’S UNRECOGNIZED BEDOUIN VILLAGES

https://www.hrw.org/report/2008/03/30/map/land-and-housing-rights-violations-israels-unrecognized-bedouin-villages

ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN

”The establishment of the settlements contravenes international humanitarian law (IHL), which states that an occupying power may not relocate its own citizens to the occupied territory or make permanent changes to that territory, unless these are needed for imperative military needs, in the narrow sense of the term, or undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”

BTSELEM.ORG

SETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements

”It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory”

ICRC.ORG [INTERNATIONALE RODE KRUIS]

WHAT DOES THE LAW SAY ABOUT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SETTLEMENTS

IN OCCUPIED TERRITORY?

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/faq/occupation-faq-051010.htm#:~:text=It%20is%20unlawful%20under%20the,population%20transfer%20into%20occupied%20territory.

What does the law say about the establishment of settlements in occupied territory?

05-10-2010 FAQ

When a territory is placed under the authority of a hostile army, the rules of international humanitarian law dealing with occupation apply. Occupation confers certain rights and obligations on the occupying power.

Prohibited actions include forcibly transferring protected persons from the occupied territories to the territory of the occupying power. 
It is unlawful under the Fourth Geneva Convention for an occupying power to transfer parts of its own population into the territory it occupies. This means that international humanitarian law prohibits the establishment of settlements, as these are a form of population transfer into occupied territory. Any measure designed to expand or consolidate settlements is also illegal. Confiscation of land to build or expand settlements is similarly prohibited. 

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

” They are doing so despite knowing that Israel’s settlements are illegal under international law, and a war crime.”

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

BY LISTING PROPERTIES AND ATTRACTIONS IN ISRAELI

SETTLEMENTS, DIGITAL TOURISM COMPANIES ARE PROFITING

FROM WARCRIMES

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2019/01/destination-occupation-digital-tourism-israel-illegal-settlements/

Digital companies are revolutionizing how the world does tourism. Corporations like Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor, which dominate the multi-billion-dollar global online tourism industry, have become hugely successful. These companies all also list numerous hotels, B&Bs, attractions or tours in Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). They are doing so despite knowing that Israel’s settlements are illegal under international law, and a war crime.

These companies also know that Israeli settlements have a negative impact on a vast number of human rights of the Palestinian population. This has been extensively documented by the United Nations and independent international organizations, including Amnesty International and many Palestinian and Israeli organizations.  Any basic preliminary risk assessment by the companies would reveal that any business activity in or with settlements would unavoidably contribute to sustaining an illegal situation, as well as a regime that is inherently discriminatory and abusive of the human rights of Palestinians.

All four companies claim to operate under high ethical values and respect for the rule of law. However, none of these standards appears to influence the companies’ decisions in relation to settlement listings. In doing business with settlements, all four companies are contributing to, and profiting from, the maintenance, development and expansion of illegal settlements, which amount to war crimes under international criminal law. Their promotion of Israeli settlements in the OPT as a tourist destination also has the effect of “normalizing”, and legitimizing to the public what is recognized under international law as an illegal situation.

In a new report, Destination: Occupation, Amnesty International documents the ways in which digital tourism companies  contribute to violations of human rights and act in direct contradiction with their own corporate standards.

[8]

As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.

“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas……..”
THE INDEPENDENT

WONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY

1 AUGUST 2014

https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-israel-gaza-israeli-actress-s-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html

[9]

”1391, or 63%, of the 2,202 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces in Operation “Protective Edge” did not take part in the hostilities. Of these, 526 – a quarter of all Palestinians killed in the operation – were children under eighteen years of age”


BTSELEM.ORG

50 DAYS: MORE THAN 500 CHILDREN: FACTS AND FIGURES ON FATALITIES IN GAZA, 

SUMMER 2014

https://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20160720_fatalities_in_gaza_conflict_2014

AMNESTY INTERNATIONALUSA: 

STOP ARMS TRANSFERS TO ISRAEL AMIDGROWING EVIDENCE OF WAR CRIMES IN GAZA

31 JULY 2014

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2014/07/usa-stop-arms-transfers-israel-amid-growing-evidence-war-crimes-gaza/

INTERNATIONALISRAEL/GAZAPREVENT FURTHER WAR CRIMES AFTER ISRAELIGROUND ASSAULT

18 JULY 2014

https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2014/07/israelgaza-prevent-further-war-crimes-after-israeli-ground-assault/

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

GAZA: AIRSTRIKE DEATHS RAISE CONCERNS ON GROUND OFFENSIVE

22 JULY 2014

https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/22/gaza-airstrike-deaths-raise-concerns-ground-offensive

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINE

UNLAWFUL ISRAELI AIRSTRIKES KILL CIVILIANS

16 JULY 2014

https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/15/israel/palestine-unlawful-israeli-airstrikes-kill-civilians

[10]

”Het volgt op scherpe wereldwijde kritiek op de Israëlische beschieting van een VN-school in Gaza. De Verenigde Staten reageerden buitengewoon scherp op de tweede raketaanval in een week op een VN-school in de Gaza-strook. Een woordvoerder van het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken zegt ‘geschokt’ te zijn door de ‘schandelijke beschieting van de VN-school’……….
”Eerder op de dag had de secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties, Ban Ki-moon, al zijn afschuw uitgesproken over de beschieting van de VN-school in Rafah waar zo’n 3.000 Palestijnse vluchtelingen verbleven. Zeker tien mensen werden gedood toen een raket insloeg bij de ingang van de school, aldus medische bronnen in Gaza.”

TIJD.BE

”HUMANITAIR” BESTAND IN GAZA

https://www.tijd.be/nieuws/politiek_economie_internationaal/VS_halen_uit_naar_Israel/9530325.html
04 augustus 2014 07:31

Israël heeft een staakt-het-vuren afgekondigd in de Gaza-strook. Het leger spreekt van een ‘humanitair bestand’ dat op maandag geldt van 7 tot 14 uur.

Het volgt op scherpe wereldwijde kritiek op de Israëlische beschieting van een VN-school in Gaza. De Verenigde Staten reageerden buitengewoon scherp op de tweede raketaanval in een week op een VN-school in de Gaza-strook. Een woordvoerder van het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken zegt ‘geschokt’ te zijn door de ‘schandelijke beschieting van de VN-school’.

Diplomaten zijn verrast over de sterke bewoordingen die het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse zaken gebruikt. Vooral de worden ‘geschokt’ en ‘schandelijk’ worden als opmerkelijk bestempeld. ‘De Verenigde Staten zijn geschokt door de schandelijke beschieting vandaag van een VN-school in Rafah, waar zo’n 3.000 ontheemde mensen hun toevlucht hadden gezocht en waarbij minstens tien Palestijnse burgers tragisch om het leven kwamen’, stelt Washington.

‘De locatie van de school was, zoals alle VN-gebouwen in Gaza, herhaaldelijk medegedeeld aan het Israëlische leger. We benadrukken nog maar eens dat Israel meer moet doen om zijn eigen normen te handhaven en burgerslachtoffers te vermijden. VN-gebouwen, en in het bijzonder die die burgers opvangen, moeten worden beschermd en mogen niet gebruikt worden als basis van waaruit aanvallen worden gelanceerd. De verdenking dat militanten in de buurt van de VN-gebouwen opereren rechtvaardigt geen aanvallen die het leven van zoveel onschuldige burgers in gevaar brengt’, klinkt het.

VN

Eerder op de dag had de secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties, Ban Ki-moon, al zijn afschuw uitgesproken over de beschieting van de VN-school in Rafah waar zo’n 3.000 Palestijnse vluchtelingen verbleven. Zeker tien mensen werden gedood toen een raket insloeg bij de ingang van de school, aldus medische bronnen in Gaza.

Tientallen mensen raakten gewond. Veel Palestijnen hadden hun toevlucht gezocht tot de onderwijsinstelling die wordt gerund door de Verenigde Naties. Het Israëlische leger heeft nog niet gereageerd. Het is nog niet duidelijk wie verantwoordelijk is voor de raketinslag. Ongeveer 3.000 Palestijnen hadden hun toevlucht gezocht in de school.

De secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties, Ban Ki-moon, noemt de aanval ‘een morele schande en een misdaad’. Volgens Ban is het Israëlische leger meerdere keren geïnformeerd over de locatie van de school. 

Van Rompuy

De Europese Unie heeft het aanhoudende bloedvergieten in de Gazastrook zondag nog eens nadrukkelijk veroordeeld. Bij monde van de voorzitter van de Europese Raad, Herman Van Rompuy en de voorzitter van de Europese Commissie, José Manuel Barroso werd het ‘onmiddellijke einde’ van de militaire acties geeist. ‘Alleen een onderhandelde oplossing gebaseerd op twee staten die elkaar respecteren kan tot vrede leiden’, stelt Van Rompuy.

Het Israëlische leger heeft toegegeven te hebben gevuurd nabij de VN-school. ‘Het Israëlische leger viseerde drie terroristen op de motorfiets nabij de school in Rafah’, stelt het leger in een mededeling. ‘De Israëlische defensie onderzoekt de gevolgen van die inslag.’ De Israelische regering kondigde in de nacht van zondag op maandag een ‘humanitair bestand’ af dat maandag van 7 tot 14 uur zou gelden.

Het is de derde aanval op een VN-school in de Gaza-strook in tien dagen tijd. Op 24 juli werd een school in Beit Hanoun getroffen en afgelopen donderdag werd een school in Jabaliya geraakt. Bij die twee aanvallen kwamen meer dan dertig Palestijnen om het leven. De Verenigde Naties legden verantwoordelijkheid voor het drama in Jabaliya bij Israël. 

250.000

In de Gazastrook schuilen circa 250.000 mensen in gebouwen van de VN voor het Israëlische geweld. Volgens Israël is er vanuit de buurt geschoten. Vertegenwoordigers van de VN vonden raketopslagplaatsen van Palestijnse strijders in drie schoolgebouwen.

De raketinslag op de school in Rafah volgt op de aankondiging door de Israëlische premier Benjamin Netanyahu zaterdagavond dat het Gaza-offensief voorlopig zal worden doorgezet. Het leger zal zijn operaties zolang voortzetten totdat het doel is bereikt: ‘de vrede naar Israël terugbrengen’, zei hij zaterdagavond in Tel Aviv.

Vernietigen

‘We zullen alle tunnels vernietigen’, voegde hij eraan toe. ‘Het leger wordt zolang ingezet tot alle werk is volbracht.’ En dat bleek ook meteen. Bij meerdere luchtaanvallen zijn volgens Palestijnse bronnen zondagmorgen zeven mensen om het leven gekomen. Vijftien Palestijnen raakten gewond.  Palestijnen die aan de kust wonen, vertelden dat de Israëlische luchtmacht zware bombardementen heeft uitgevoerd in verschillende Palestijnse gebieden. 

Na de vernietiging van de tunnels van de ‘radicaal-islamitische’ Hamas zal Israël de situatie opnieuw evalueren en bijkomende stappen ondernemen die nodig zijn voor de veiligheid.

NOS

BAN BOOS NA BESCHIETING VN SCHOOL

3 AUGUSTUS 2014

VN-chef Ban Ki-moon heeft in ongekend felle bewoordingen uitgehaald naar Israël. De beschieting van een school in Gaza, vanmorgen, noemde hij “een morele wandaad, een misdaad”.

“Dit is weer een grove schending van de internationale wetgeving. Het is duidelijk dat beide partijen Palestijnse burgers, VN-medewerkers en VN-gebouwen moeten beschermen.”

Bij de raketbeschieting door Israël op de school, waar vluchtelingen in verbleven, vielen tien doden. Ook raakten tientallen mensen gewond.

Onderzoek

Ban eist dat het incident snel wordt onderzocht en de verantwoordelijken worden gestraft. Een VN-woordvoerder zegt dat er 33 keer is gezegd dat de school door de VN gebruikt werd, de laatste keer een uur voor de aanval.

Afgelopen woensdag werd ook al een school getroffen die diende als schuilplek, daarbij kwamen zestien mensen om het leven.

De VS spreekt eveneens schande van de aanval. In een verklaring zegt een woordvoerder geschokt te zijn. “Het vermoeden dat er militanten dichtbij verscholen zitten, rechtvaardigt niet dat er zulke risico’s worden genomen met het leven van onschuldige burgers.”

[11]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people”

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS

NO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM

25 JULI 2014

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm

25-07-2014 Article

Three ICRC vehicles are leaving Shujaia. They have rescued 11 people from the rubble but the intense combat has forced them back. As they depart an angry crowd of Palestinians attacks the vehicles with stones and sticks. “You are useless,” the crowd shouts. “You must protect us.”

But we cannot. The anger is unpleasant and misplaced, but understandable. We do our utmost, risking the lives of our staff to rescue who we can, but we cannot end the conflict.  As ever, humanitarian organisations are a sticking plaster, not the solution.

If your home in Gaza was being shelled, who would you call in desperation? On the night Israel’s ground offensive began intense fire struck north-east Gaza. The emergency services, including our partners at the Palestinian Red Crescent (PRCS), were overloaded. Many Gazans tried to telephone us. Our office switchboard couldn’t cope. In the dark violent hours of the night we could not send ambulances or restore the water supply or treat the injured dying of their wounds. Isolated and terrified, with nowhere to flee and no help in sight, the anger of Palestinian families grew.

Two nights later in Shujaia hundreds more families went through the same ordeal. Again ICRC staff and PRCS volunteers could do little. With no guarantees of safety it would have been folly to attempt a rescue. In the daylight a temporary ceasefire was agreed, at our request. It was quickly broken, but nevertheless several dozen injured were brought from their ruined homes to hospitals and hundreds took advantage of our presence on the spot to flee. It was little and late. No wonder the helpless families have accused us of callous disregard. When your one faint hope of help is snuffed out the intensity of disappointment is all the deeper.

Other accusations have been levelled.

We were charged with collaborating with the Israeli Defence Forces in the destruction of Wafa hospital. In truth, we sought to protect the hospital through our dialogue with both sides. When combat came perilously close we intervened to win time for a possible last-resort evacuation of gravely ill patients, many on life support.

We are upbraided for not taking sides and refusing to apportion blame. Given our strict political neutrality it is usual that we get criticised by all sides at different times. But the ICRC is not silent in the face of clear breaches of international law. We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people. We clearly denounce the indiscriminate rocketing of Israel. We stated categorically that even in the midst of warfare, people must be able to receive medical care in safety.

We are horrified at the death toll. We have repeatedly called for both sides to protect and spare civilians. We have warned of the need to protect Gaza’s perilously fragile water supply – many residents of the densely populated area are now without water, at the height of the scorching hot Mediterranean summer. Today our priority is the civilians, in Beit Hanoun and many other places all over Gaza. We are calling on all sides, based on the humanitarian imperatives of the situation, to ensure that their combat operations be conducted in accordance with the fundamental principles of international laws protecting civilians.
But will our pleas for restraint, and the constant efforts of nearly 140 staff and more than 400 PRCS teams to rescue civilians and restock hospitals, be enough to quell the anger of grieving families? We hope so but we understand that it might not.

We do ask one thing: understand the limits of our role and look to the politicians to end this deadly, miserable conflict.    

Jacques de Maio

Head of Delegation
ICRC
Israel and Occupied Territories

[12]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people. We clearly denounce the indiscriminate rocketing of Israel. We stated categorically that even in the midst of warfare, people must be able to receive medical care in safety.

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS

NO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM

25 JULI 2014

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm

[13]

THE INDEPENDENT

WONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY

1 AUGUST 2014

https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-israel-gaza-israeli-actress-s-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html

EINDE NOTENC
EERDERE MAILS ASTRID ESSED AAN TV FILM

Aanhangster van oorlogsmisdadigers op uw Cover

Astrid Essed Sat, Dec 19, 2020 at 4:22 PM
To: “redactie@tvfilm.nl” <redactie@tvfilm.nl>
AANRedactie TV FilmOnderwerp: Filmactrice Gal Gadot als ”coverbabe” in uw TV krantGal Gadot verdedigt oorlogsmisdaden

Geachte Redactie,[Zie onder Epiloog wat ik van u verlang en eis.In onderstaande brief is dat toegelicht]
YOU DID IT AGAIN!!

Of u provoceert bewust, of u bent hardleers.DAT ging door mij heen, toen ik op de covervan uw TV Film Gids Nummer 26-1- december 2020 t/m 1 januari 2021OPNIEUW de Israelische filmactrice Gal Gadot [beter bekend van haar”Wonder Woman” rol] [1] zag afgebeeld en dat niet alleen:Ook in uw TV filmkrant twee populair-lovende stukjes over haar:Op Pagina 7 [waarover zo meer en op Pagina 4Zie voor de tekst van die stukjes, onder P/SDit naar aanleiding van het feit, dat er een tweede ”Wonder Woman” film in premiere gaat, met in de hoofdrol deze filmactrice Gal Gadot. [2]
Nou zult u zeggen:”Niets byzonders”, daaraan moeten we toch aandacht aan besteden.Ja natuurlijk, aandacht is een ding.Maar onversneden propaganda en een idiote eerheerlijking van deze actrice is een tweede.Waarom ik daar bezwaren tegen heb?
 MAIL AAN U, DD MEI 2020
Daarover heb ik u eerder dit jaar, in mei welteverstaan, reeds een mail gestuurd,
waarin ik u uitgebreid, met bronnen onderbouwd, uit de doeken heb gedaan,waarom iedere positieve promoting en propaganda voor deze filmactrice uitden Boze is:Namelijk het feit, dat zij oorlogsmisdaden niet alleen steunt, maar er ookvoor bidt!Zie geheel onderin
Ik heb daarop geen enkele reactie van u ontvangen en hoewel dat onbeleefd is, wilde ik daar nog wel overheen stappen, ware het niet, datu, in propaganda, nog uitgebreider hebt uitgepakt mbt deze actrice!
Zo meteen krijgt u dit van mij opnieuw over u heen, maar eerst dit:
Geeft u in uw stukje op pagina 4 nog slechts achtergrondinformatie over de aankomende film, op bladzijde 7 gaat u helemaal los in uwoverdreven verheerlijking van een actrice, die nu haar tweede rolletjein Wonder Woman mag spelen.”Mooi als Aphrodite, slim als Athena, sneller dan Hermes en sterkerdan Hercules.”Dat is wat u schrijftTot hilariteit heeft dat bij mij WEL geleid, want iedereen, dieiets af weet van de Klassieke Oudheid en Griekse mythologie [3],weet hoe belachelijk dat is, maar misschien kan ik u niets verwijtenwat u nu eenmaal niet schijnt te weten.Dat is dus niet ZO erg, wel de overdreven verheerlijkende teneur van uwstukje en dan met name de spullen met betrekking tot o.a. deze actrice, waarnaar lezers kunnen meedingen in een soort prijsvraag op Internet.
Nogmaals:Behalve misschien wat kinderachtig:Normaal is daarmee niets aan de hand:
Maar dit tegen het Licht van de achtergrond van deze dame, Gal Gadot,reken ik het u WEL aan:
Nogmaals een overzicht dan maar weer:
Deze Israelische filmactrice, uw ”coverbabe”,  heeft onvermoede, nare kanten.Niet alleen heeft zij gediend in het Israelische leger [4], dat zoals u weet, of althans behoort te weten, een bezettingsleger is, met alle daaraan gekoppelde onderdrukking en terreur [5], het is nog erger.
Want nu kan men nog aanvoeren, dat militaire dienstplicht in Israel verplicht is en dat niet iedere Israelische soldaat, hoewel deze wel de bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden in stand houdt, zich per definitie heeft schuldig gemaakt aan oorlogsmisdaden.
ECHTER:
Deze ‘coverbabe en filmactrice heeft zich van haar meest weerzinwekkende kant laten zien door de moordende Israelische aanval op Gaza ”Protective Edge” uit juli-augustus 2014, te ondersteunen!Ik citeer de Britse krant The Independent:”As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”” [6]
Nou laat ik de politieke en verzetsbeweging Hamas even buiten beschouwing, zonder te ontkennen, dat Hamas zich zeker ook schuldig maakt aan ongerechtigheden [7] , maar daar gaat het hier niet om.
Gadot verzwijgt niet alleen het feit, dat Israel bezettingsmacht is sinds 1967 en zich heeft schuldig gemaakt-en nog doet- aan onder andere misdaden zoals foltering, etnische zuiveringen, landroof [bouw en uitbreiding in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde illegale nederzettingen], apartheid en oorlogsmisdaden [8]
In die die specifieke Israelische militaire aanval op Gaza, waarvoor zij met haar [onschuldige] dochtertje bidt [wat een goddeloos Gebed!][9], heeft Israel zich schuldig gemaakt aan zware oorlogsmisdaden:In de aanval op Gaza in 2014 , waarvoor la Gadot heeft gebeden, zijn in twee maanden tijd 1391 Palestijnse burgers gedood, waaronder 526 kinderen [10], een VN school werd gebombardeerd [11], een ziekenhuis werd beschoten [12], moet ik doorgaan?Ik denk, dat dit wel een Beeld geeft.Wie een dergelijke misdadige aanval verdedigt, applaudisseert dus voor het doden van ongewapende burgers en kinderen en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen.
EPILOOG
Ik vraag u niet om aan politiek te doen, WEL stil te staan bij het feit, dat wie openlijk misdaden als het targetten van burgers [13] en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen verdedigt, geen lovend stukje in uw TV krant verdient , op twee bladzijden nota bene met een malle prijsvraag daaraan gekoppeld. 
En met name hoort IDF lover Gadot [14] in geen geval op uw voorpagina [de cover] te staan!

Ik reken erop, nogmaals, geen foto’s meer aan te treffen van de bewuste dame of lovende stukjes in uw blad, want zo wordt u, of u het nu wil of niet, onderdeel van het probleem, dat aan de wortel ligt van het huidige Midden Oostenconflict.
De onderdrukkende Israelische bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden. [15]
In mijn vorige mail aan u schreef ik als laatste zin


”Houdt u hieraan, anders gaan onze degens elkaar weer kruisen!”Zie onderaan
Kennelijk kruist u graag de degens met mij, want u bentopnieuw tegen mij ingegaan
Dat moet u vooral doen
Ik blijf u hierin kritisch volgen en hoop, dat uzult doen wat ieder fatsoenlijk blad of Magazine zou doen:
Geen aanhangers van oorlogsmisdaden verheerlijken,of ze nu in de wereld van de Glitter bekendheid genietenOf niet.
Nu eerst de notenDan uw stukjesEn dan mijn eerdere mail aan u

Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid EssedAmsterdam 
NOTEN
[1]

WIKIPEDIAGAL GADOT
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gal_Gadot



[2]

Wonder Woman 84 wordt officieel op eerste kerstdag uitgebracht. Dat heeft Warner Bros. woensdag bevestigd. Bijzonder is dat de langverwachte vervolgfilm die dag zowel in de bioscopen als op HBO Max zal verschijnen.”

OFFICIEEL: WONDER WOMAN 84 DEZE KERST ZOWEL INBIOS ALS OP HBO MAX
https://www.filmtotaal.nl/nieuws/76620


[3]
WIKIPEDIAAPHRODITE
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aphrodite


WIKIPEDIAPALLAS ATHENA
https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pallas_Athena


WIKIPEDIAHERMES
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hermes


WIKIPEDIAHERCULES
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hercules


[4]

She then served two years in the Israel Defense Forces as a fitness/combat readiness instructor, after which she began studying law and international relations at IDC Herzliya college while building up her modeling and acting careers.”
WIKIPEDIAGAL GADOT

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gal_Gadot 

[5]


ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  

[6]

THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMA GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 

sraeli actress Gal Gadot – who was recently unveiled as the caped superhero in Zack Snyder’s new DC movie Batman v. Superman: Dawn of Justice – caused a stir by posting a message of support for the Israel Defence Forces via her official Facebook page, just days before a poster of her in character first debuted.As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”
The post quickly garnered over 200,000 ‘likes’, and thousands of shares with fellow pro-IDF supporters. It also received more than 15,000 comments, both aggressively opposed to her position and stridently for it
“Zionist israeli army is the biggest terrorist organisation!,” one follower responded. “Palestinians are facing ethnic cleansing ever since the zionist israelis started snatching land! What would you do if your land home and everything you had is being taken away constantly?[sic]”
Of course, Gadot isn’t the only famous person who has pledged their support for the IDF. Bill Maher shocked with this Twitter quip, while Joan Rivers defended the Israeli government’s military offensive with this.Those who have declared their support for the Palestinian cause include Zayn Malik, Rihanna, Penelope Cruz and Russell Brand.
[7]
THE RIGHTS FORUMHAMAS BEANTWOORDT ”OPSTAND VAN DE HONGERIGEN” MET GEWELD
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/hamas-beantwoordt-opstand-van-de-hongerigen-met-geweld/ 


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHANOTHER BRUTAL CRACKDOWN BY HAMAS IN GAZA
https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/03/20/another-brutal-crackdown-hamas-gaza


[8]

[8]
CIVIS MUNDIZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  




FOLTERING:
BTSELEM.ORGTORTURE AND ABUSE IN INTERROGATION

ETHNISCHE ZUIVERINGEN:

https://www.btselem.org/topic/torture 


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINE: BEDOUINS FACE IMMINENT DISPACEMENT
https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/11/24/israel/palestine-bedouins-face-imminent-displacement


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHREPORTLAND AND HOUSING RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ISRAEL’S UNRECOGNIZED BEDOUIN VILLAGES
https://www.hrw.org/report/2008/03/30/map/land-and-housing-rights-violations-israels-unrecognized-bedouin-villages

DE ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE IN BEZET PALESTIJNS GEBIED GEBOUWDE NEDERZETTINGEN

DE ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN
”The Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits an occupying power from transferring citizens from its own territory to the occupied territory (Article 49).The Hague Regulations prohibit an occupying power from undertaking permanent changes in the occupied area unless these are due to military needs in the narrow sense of the term, or unless they are undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”
BTSELEM.ORGSETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements
”Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”
ARTICLE 49, FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION
https://www.icrc.org/applic/ih l/ihl.nsf/Article.xsp?action=o penDocument&documentId=77068F1 2B8857C4DC12563CD0051BDB0
HET HAAGS VERDRAG VAN 1907THE HAGUE CONVENTION 1907
https://www.loc.gov/law/help/us-treaties/bevans/m-ust000001-0631.pdf  

APARTHEIDONGELIJK RECHTSSYSTEEM
Israeli’s komen voor de gewone rechter, in bezet Palestijns gebied wonende Palestijnen voor een Militaire Rechtbank, ondanks het feit, dat het burgers zijn!

”A new report published by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) outlines the nature of the legal regime currently operating in the West Bank. Two systems of law are applied in a single territory: one – a civilian legal system for Israeli citizens, and a second – a military court system for Palestinian residents. The result: institutionalized discrimination.”
ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK24 NOVEMBER 2014
http://www.acri.org.il/en/2014 /11/24/twosysreport/
REPORT14 OCTOBER 2014ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK
http://www.acri.org.il/en/wp-c ontent/uploads/2015/02/Two-Sys tems-of-Law-English-FINAL.pdf


INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSTHE JUDICIAL ARM OF THE OCCUPATION: THE ISRAELI MILITARY COURTS IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES



https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/judicial-arm-occupation-israeli-military-courts-occupied-territories



BTSELEM.ORGMILITARY COURTS
https://www.btselem.org/military_courts
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE RED CROSSTHE JUDICIAL ARM OF THE OCCUPATION:THE ISRAELI MILITARY COURTS IN THEOCCUPIED TERRITORIES
https://www.icrc.org/eng/asset s/files/other/irrc_866_weill.p df

OORLOGSMISDADEN
ZIE WEBSITE THE RIGHTS FORUM
https://rightsforum.org/ 

[9]
[9]


As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas……..”

THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 


[10]


”1391, or 63%, of the 2,202 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces in Operation “Protective Edge” did not take part in the hostilities. Of these, 526 – a quarter of all Palestinians killed in the operation – were children under eighteen years of age”

BTSELEM.ORG50 DAYS: MORE THAN 500 CHILDREN: FACTS AND FIGURES ON FATALITIES IN GAZA, SUMMER 2014
https://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20160720_fatalities_in_gaza_conflict_2014 

AMNESTY INTERNATIONALUSA: STOP ARMS TRANSFERS TO ISRAEL AMIDGROWING EVIDENCE OF WAR CRIMES IN GAZA31 JULY 2014http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/usa-stop-arms-transfers-israel-amid-growing-evidence-war-crimes-gaza-2014-07-31AMNESTY INTERNATIONALISRAEL/GAZAPREVENT FURTHER WAR CRIMES AFTER ISRAELIGROUND ASSAULT18 JULY 2014http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/israelgaza-prevent-further-war-crimes-after-israeli-ground-assault-2014-07-18HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHGAZA: AIRSTRIKE DEATHS RAISE CONCERNS ON GROUND OFFENSIVE22 JULY 2014http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/22/gaza-airstrike-deaths-raise-concerns-ground-offensiveHUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINEUNLAWFUL ISRAELI AIRSTRIKES KILL CIVILIANS16 JULY 2014http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/15/israelpalestine-unlawful-israeli-airstrikes-kill-civilians


[11]

”Het volgt op scherpe wereldwijde kritiek op de Israëlische beschieting van een VN-school in Gaza. De Verenigde Staten reageerden buitengewoon scherp op de tweede raketaanval in een week op een VN-school in de Gaza-strook. Een woordvoerder van het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken zegt ‘geschokt’ te zijn door de ‘schandelijke beschieting van de VN-school’……….
”Eerder op de dag had de secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties, Ban Ki-moon, al zijn afschuw uitgesproken over de beschieting van de VN-school in Rafah waar zo’n 3.000 Palestijnse vluchtelingen verbleven. Zeker tien mensen werden gedood toen een raket insloeg bij de ingang van de school, aldus medische bronnen in Gaza.”

TIJD.BE”HUMANITAIR” BESTAND IN GAZA
https://www.tijd.be/nieuws/politiek_economie_internationaal/VS_halen_uit_naar_Israel/9530325.html  


NOSBAN BOOS NA BESCHIETING VN SCHOOL3 AUGUSTUS 2014 http://nos.nl/artikel/682477-ban-boos-na-beschieting-vnschool.html

[12]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people”

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSNO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM25 JULI 2014
http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm


[13]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people. We clearly denounce the indiscriminate rocketing of Israel. We stated categorically that even in the midst of warfare, people must be able to receive medical care in safety.

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSNO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM25 JULI 2014
http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm


[14]


THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 





WIKIPEDIAISRAEL DEFENSE FORCES
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Defense_Forces 

ZIEHIER DE WEBSITE VAN HET MOORD ISRAELISCHE LEGER

https://www.idf.il/en/



[15]


CIVIS MUNDIZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  




THE RIGHTS FORUM
https://rightsforum.org/

BTSELEM.ORGTHE DUTY TO END OCCUPATION

The Duty to End the Occupation


EINDE NOTENAPPARAAT

P/S


TV film, bladzijde 4WONDER WOMAN 1984
R: PATTY JENKINS, A: GAL GADOT, C HRIS PINE,KRISTEN WIGG E.A., VANAF 16-12
Patty Jenkins [Monster 2003] kwam met stip binnen op 
nummer een in superheldenland als regisseur van Wonder Womanin 2017.Eindelijk was daar die gedroomde actiefilm met een megabudgetwaarin vrouwen de helden zijn.Een goed idee, want de film bracht 822 miljoen dollar op.Groen licht voor een vervolg was snel gegeven.Vanwege de corona epidemie heeft deze tweede titel enkelemaanden op de plank gelegen, maar na een handvol verschoveb releasedata was het zover: Diana Prince,ofwel DC-Comics Wonder Woman[Gadot] is terug voor een nieuw avontuur,  bijgestaan door Steve [Pine]WE GAAN TERUG NAAR DE NEONKLEURIGE JAREN 80Daarin krijgt de heldin te maken met twee gloednieuwe tegenstanders,superschurk Max Lord en Barbara Minerva [Wiig}, bijgenaamdCheetah.ACTIE (PREVIEW)

EINDE TEKST TV FILM, BLADZIJDE 4

TV Film CoverstoryTV film, bladzijde 7
[Met aan de linkerzijde van de tekst een afbeelding van deGal Gadot als ”krijgsheldin”Onder de afbeelding ook:
WINWe verloten 5 tassen met daarin: een pluche karakter[Diana,Gouden Diana of Cheeta, dat is een verrassing],een buideltas,airpods.zonneklep en drinkbeker,

Winnen? Ga voor 26-12 maar www.tvfilm.nl klikop ‘winnen’ en beantwoord deze vraag:Uit welk land komt Gal Gadot>a] Ierland b] Israel c] Italie
Met aan onderkant en zijkant afbeeldingen van de tewinnen artikelen


GAL GADOTWONDER DER NATUURGal Gadot heeft haar rood-blauwe gevechtstenue weer uit de kastgetrokken. In haar tweede film Wonder Woman 1984 [zie ook pagina5] beleeft de superheldin, ook bekend als Diana Prince, weer de nodigeavonturen.
BEELD WARNER BROS

Mooi als Aphrodite, slim als Athena, sneller dan Hermes en sterkerdan Hercules.In de jaren 40 bedacht de schrijver William Moulton Marston, aangespoorddoor zijn vrouw, een superheldin: Wonder Woman.Aan mannelijke helden als Batman, Superman en Green Lantern geen gebrek,maar girl power was ver te zoeken.Maar toen maakte in 1941 Wonder Woman haar opwachting in het decembernummer van de stripreeks All Star Comics.
EERSTE WERELDOORLOG

In 1974 maakte Wonder Woman haar debuut op het witte doek,toen vertolkt door Cathy Lee Crosby en in 2009volgde er een animatiefilm rond de heldin.Drie jaar geleden trok Gal Gadot haar rood-blauwe hansop aanvoor het eerste deel van Wonder Woman.Daarin zien we hoe Diane King, prinses van de eilandengroepAmazonen, een gecrashte piloot uit zee redt.Deze Steve (Chris Pine) is een Britse spion, die Diane vertelt over deEerste Wereldoorlog, die zich ver van de Amazonen in Europa en Azie afspeelt.Samen met Steve trekt Diane als Wonder Woman in Europa ten strijde, omdatze vermoedt dat Ares, de god van de oorlog, hierachter zit.
JACHTLUIPAARD
Drie jaar later komt de tweede film uit.Wonder Woman maakt een sprong naar 1984, de tijd van Amerikaansetv series als Dallas en Call to glory en van de Britse violist metzijn punkhaar: Nigel Kennedy.De heldin vol uitzonderlijke krachten wordt snel met nieuwe vijandengeconfronteerd:The Cheetah (Kristin Wiig met bijpassend luipaardmotiefje) en Max Lord (Pedro Pascall) Zie ook pagina 4
WONDER WOMAN, VANAF 16-12 IN DE BIOSCOOP
EINDE TEKST TV FIL, BLADZIJDE 7

EERDERE MAIL AAN REDACTIE TV FILM


Astrid Essed Thu, May 28, 5:18 AMto redactie@tvfilm.nlAANRedactie TV FilmOnderwerp: Filmactrice Gal Gadot als ”coverbabe” in uw TV krantGal Gadot verdedigt oorlogsmisdaden

Geachte Redactie,[Zie onder Epiloog wat ik van u verlang en eis.In onderstaande brief is dat toegelicht]
”Eindelijk eens NIET de zoveelste blonde of -wat vaker voorkomt- [slecht] geblondeerde dame op de cover van uw blad” dacht ik, toen ik de foto van een donkerharige, inderdaad mooie vrouw op de cover van uw recente TV film gids, nummer 11, 23 mei t/m 5 juni jongstleden zag staan.Totdat ik op uw cover las om wie het gaat:De Israelische filmactrice Gal Gadot.En daar bleef het niet bij:Op bladzijde 83 in uw Gids [zie onder P/S] stond er een lovend stukje over haar en haar rol in ”Wonder Woman”, een Superhelden[heldinnen]bioscoop spektakelfilm uit 2017. [1]Hierop schijnt een vervolg te komen, Wonderwoman 1984.[2]
Uw promotie van Gal Gadot is naar aanleiding van het feit, dat Veronica op zondag 31 mei om 20.00 de ”oude” Wonderwoman uitzendt, zoals u vermeldt [met een korte inhoudsbeschrijving, nogal een idioot verhaal mijns inziens, maar dat daargelaten] op bladzijde 82 in uw GidsZie onder P/S

”Waarom is het van belang, dat Astrid Essed ons hierover aanschrijft?”zult u denken.Wel Geachte Redactie, het gaat hier om het volgende:
Deze Israelische filmactrice, uw ”coverbabe”, die zo heeft ”geschitterd”[uw woorden, zie onder P/S]  als Wonderwoman, heeft onvermoede, nare kanten.Niet alleen heeft zij gediend in het Israelische leger [3], dat zoals u weet, of althans behoort te weten, een bezettingsleger is, met alle daaraan gekoppelde onderdrukking en terreur [4], het is nog erger.
Want nu kan men nog aanvoeren, dat militaire dienstplicht in Israel verplicht is en dat niet iedere Israelische soldaat, hoewel deze wel de bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden in stand houdt, zich per definitie heeft schuldig gemaakt aan oorlogsmisdaden.
ECHTER:
Deze ”schitterende” coverbabe en filmactrice heeft zich van haar meest weerzinwekkende kant laten zien door de moordende Israelische aanval op Gaza ”Protective Edge” uit juli-augustus 2014, te ondersteunen!Ik citeer de Britse krant The Independent:”As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”” [5]
Nou laat ik de politieke en verzetsbeweging Hamas even buiten beschouwing, zonder te ontkennen, dat Hamas zich zeker ook schuldig maakt aan ongerechtigheden [6] , maar daar gaat het hier niet om.
Gadot verzwijgt niet alleen het feit, dat Israel bezettingsmacht is sinds 1967 en zich heeft schuldig gemaakt-en nog doet- aan onder andere misdaden zoals foltering, etnische zuiveringen, landroof [bouw en uitbreiding in bezet Palestijns gebied gebouwde illegale nederzettingen], apartheid en oorlogsmisdaden [7]
In die die specifieke Israelische militaire aanval op Gaza, waarvoor zij met haar [onschuldige] dochtertje bidt [wat een goddeloos Gebed!][8], heeft Israel zich schuldig gemaakt aan zware oorlogsmisdaden:In de aanval op Gaza in 2014 , waarvoor la Gadot heeft gebeden, zijn in twee maanden tijd 1391 Palestijnse burgers gedood, waaronder 526 kinderen [9], een VN school werd gebombardeerd [10], een ziekenhuis werd beschoten [11], moet ik doorgaan?Ik denk, dat dit wel een Beeld geeft.Wie een dergelijke misdadige aanval verdedigt, applaudisseert dus voor het doden van ongewapende burgers en kinderen en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen.

EPILOOG
Ik vraag u niet om aan politiek te doen, WEL stil te staan bij het feit, dat wie openlijk misdaden als het targetten van burgers [12] en beschietingen van scholen en ziekenhuizen verdedigt, geen lovend stukje in uw TV krant verdient [zie onder P/S, uw pagina 83], dat trouwens sowieso overbodig was, omdat aan de bewuste film waarin Gadot heeft gespeeld, op bladzijde 82 al aandacht was besteed en naar mijn mening meer dan voldoende.
En met name hoort IDF lover Gadot [13] in geen geval op uw voorpagina [de cover] te staan!
U wist het niet?Dan weet u het nu!
Ik reken erop, geen foto’s meer aan te treffen van de bewuste dame of lovende stukjes in uw blad, want zo wordt u, of u het nu wil of niet, onderdeel van het probleem, dat aan de wortel ligt van het huidige Midden Oostenconflict.
De onderdrukkende Israelische bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden. [14]
Houdt u hieraan, anders gaan onze degens elkaar weer kruisen!

Vriendelijke groetenAstrid EssedAmsterdam 
TEKSTEN TV FILM:



STUKJE OP BLADZIJDE 83, TV FILM GIDS

GAL GADOT SLUIT MEI SPETTEREND AF ALS WONDER WOMAN
Deze Meimaand Filmmaand heeft Veronica het lekkerste voor het laatst bewaard.
Onze coverbabe Gal Gadot schittert weer als Wonder Woman.
In 2017 verwierf Gal Gadot wereldfaam als de stoere superheldin. Voor de Israelische schone bleek haar kostje gekocht.Half augustus komt het vervolg uit, althans we hopen, dat we dan naar de bioscoop kunnen om Wonder Woman 1984 op het witte doek te zien en Gal weer in haar roodblauwe pakje door het beeld te zien rennen.En op 8 oktober verschijnt de actrice ook in Death on the Nile.
Net als Murder on the Orient Express een verfilming van een spannend verhaal van Agatha Christie met opnieuw Kenneth Branagh als de besnorde speurder Hercule Poirot.Gal speelt de rol van de steenrijke Linnet Ridgeway, die tijdens een cruise over de Afrikaanse rivier de Nijl het loodje legt.WONDER WOMAN 20.00 Veronica

EINDE STUKJE OVER GAL GADOT

TEKST TV FILM MET INHOUDSBESCHRIJVING ”WONDER WOMAN”

TV FILM, bladzijde 82
GAVE ZONDAGFILMS

WONDER WOMAN
20.00 Veronica
VS, 2017, R: Patty Jenkins. A: Gal Gadot, Chris Pine, Connie Nielsen e.a.
Als piloot Steve Trevor op het eiland Themsyrica neerstort, maakt hij op die manier een einde aan het isolement van de Amazonen.Amazone Diana [Gadot] gaat met hem mee om een eind te maken aan de Eerste Wereldoorlog.Actie [vier van de vijf sterren, door TV Film toegekend]

EINDE BERICHTEN TV FILM


NOTEN

[1]

WIKIPEDIAWONDER WOMAN (2017 Film]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wonder_Woman_(2017_film) 


[2]

WIKIPEDIAWONDER WOMAN 1984
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wonder_Woman_1984


[3]

” She then served two years in the Israel Defense Forces as a fitness/combat readiness instructor, after which she began studying law and international relations at IDC Herzliya college while building up her modeling and acting careers.”
WIKIPEDIAGAL GADOT

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gal_Gadot 


[4]

”Tot deze categorie behoorde dus ook de tienduizendste gedode Palestijn, de 15-jarige Muhammad. De jongen werd op 11 maart door een militair in het hoofd geschoten tijdens een aanval van Israëlische kolonisten uit de illegale ‘nederzetting’ Itamar, gesteund door Israëlische militairen. ”

THE RIGHTS FORUMTIENDUIZEND PALESTIJNEN GEDOOD DE AFGELOPEN TWINTIG JAAR
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/tienduizend-palestijnen-gedood-in-afgelopen-twintig-jaar/ 




[5]
THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMA GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 

sraeli actress Gal Gadot – who was recently unveiled as the caped superhero in Zack Snyder’s new DC movie Batman v. Superman: Dawn of Justice – caused a stir by posting a message of support for the Israel Defence Forces via her official Facebook page, just days before a poster of her in character first debuted.As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas, who are hiding like cowards behind women and children…We shall overcome!!! Shabbat Shalom! #weareright #freegazafromhamas #stopterror #coexistance #loveidf”
The post quickly garnered over 200,000 ‘likes’, and thousands of shares with fellow pro-IDF supporters. It also received more than 15,000 comments, both aggressively opposed to her position and stridently for it
“Zionist israeli army is the biggest terrorist organisation!,” one follower responded. “Palestinians are facing ethnic cleansing ever since the zionist israelis started snatching land! What would you do if your land home and everything you had is being taken away constantly?[sic]”
Of course, Gadot isn’t the only famous person who has pledged their support for the IDF. Bill Maher shocked with this Twitter quip, while Joan Rivers defended the Israeli government’s military offensive with this.Those who have declared their support for the Palestinian cause include Zayn Malik, Rihanna, Penelope Cruz and Russell Brand.

[6] 

THE RIGHTS FORUMHAMAS BEANTWOORDT ”OPSTAND VAN DE HONGERIGEN” MET GEWELD
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/hamas-beantwoordt-opstand-van-de-hongerigen-met-geweld/ 


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHANOTHER BRUTAL CRACKDOWN BY HAMAS IN GAZA
https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/03/20/another-brutal-crackdown-hamas-gaza




[7]

CIVIS MUNDIZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  




FOLTERING:
BTSELEM.ORGTORTURE AND ABUSE IN INTERROGATION

ETHNISCHE ZUIVERINGEN:

https://www.btselem.org/topic/torture 


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINE: BEDOUINS FACE IMMINENT DISPACEMENT
https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/11/24/israel/palestine-bedouins-face-imminent-displacement


HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHREPORTLAND AND HOUSING RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ISRAEL’S UNRECOGNIZED BEDOUIN VILLAGES
https://www.hrw.org/report/2008/03/30/map/land-and-housing-rights-violations-israels-unrecognized-bedouin-villages

DE ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE IN BEZET PALESTIJNS GEBIED GEBOUWDE NEDERZETTINGEN

DE ILLEGALITEIT VAN DE NEDERZETTINGEN
”The Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits an occupying power from transferring citizens from its own territory to the occupied territory (Article 49).The Hague Regulations prohibit an occupying power from undertaking permanent changes in the occupied area unless these are due to military needs in the narrow sense of the term, or unless they are undertaken for the benefit of the local population.”
BTSELEM.ORGSETTLEMENTS

https://www.btselem.org/settlements
”Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.”
ARTICLE 49, FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION
https://www.icrc.org/applic/ih l/ihl.nsf/Article.xsp?action=o penDocument&documentId=77068F1 2B8857C4DC12563CD0051BDB0
HET HAAGS VERDRAG VAN 1907THE HAGUE CONVENTION 1907
https://www.loc.gov/law/help/us-treaties/bevans/m-ust000001-0631.pdf  

APARTHEIDONGELIJK RECHTSSYSTEEM
Israeli’s komen voor de gewone rechter, in bezet Palestijns gebied wonende Palestijnen voor een Militaire Rechtbank, ondanks het feit, dat het burgers zijn!

”A new report published by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) outlines the nature of the legal regime currently operating in the West Bank. Two systems of law are applied in a single territory: one – a civilian legal system for Israeli citizens, and a second – a military court system for Palestinian residents. The result: institutionalized discrimination.”
ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK24 NOVEMBER 2014
http://www.acri.org.il/en/2014 /11/24/twosysreport/
REPORT14 OCTOBER 2014ACRI [ASSOCIATION FOR CIVIL RIGHTS IN ISRAEL]ONE RULE, TWO LEGAL SYSTEMS: ISRAEL’S REGIME OF LAWSIN THE WEST BANK
http://www.acri.org.il/en/wp-c ontent/uploads/2015/02/Two-Sys tems-of-Law-English-FINAL.pdf
”The laws implemented in the West Bank are inequitable and discriminate against Palestinians. Although the settlers live in the same geographical area in which martial law is imposed, Israel has decided that they are not subject to military law, but rather to Israeli law. The application of two distinct legal systems in a single territory constitutes gross discrimination”

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSTHE JUDICIAL ARM OF THE OCCUPATION: THE ISRAELI MILITARY COURTS IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES

https://www.icrc.org/en/doc/assets/files/other/irrc_866_weill.pdf  


BTSELEM.ORGMILITARY COURTS
https://www.btselem.org/military_courts
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF THE RED CROSSTHE JUDICIAL ARM OF THE OCCUPATION:THE ISRAELI MILITARY COURTS IN THEOCCUPIED TERRITORIES
https://www.icrc.org/eng/asset s/files/other/irrc_866_weill.p df

OORLOGSMISDADEN
ZIE WEBSITE THE RIGHTS FORUM
https://rightsforum.org/ 

CIVIS MUNDIZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  
[8]


As the conflict between Israel and Gaza worsened, she uploaded a photograph of herself praying with her daughter Alma.“I am sending my love and prayers to my fellow Israeli citizens,” she wrote. “Especially to all the boys and girls who are risking their lives protecting my country against the horrific acts conducted by Hamas……..”

THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 


[9]


”1391, or 63%, of the 2,202 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces in Operation “Protective Edge” did not take part in the hostilities. Of these, 526 – a quarter of all Palestinians killed in the operation – were children under eighteen years of age”

BTSELEM.ORG50 DAYS: MORE THAN 500 CHILDREN: FACTS AND FIGURES ON FATALITIES IN GAZA, SUMMER 2014
https://www.btselem.org/press_releases/20160720_fatalities_in_gaza_conflict_2014 

AMNESTY INTERNATIONALUSA: STOP ARMS TRANSFERS TO ISRAEL AMIDGROWING EVIDENCE OF WAR CRIMES IN GAZA31 JULY 2014http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/usa-stop-arms-transfers-israel-amid-growing-evidence-war-crimes-gaza-2014-07-31AMNESTY INTERNATIONALISRAEL/GAZAPREVENT FURTHER WAR CRIMES AFTER ISRAELIGROUND ASSAULT18 JULY 2014http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/israelgaza-prevent-further-war-crimes-after-israeli-ground-assault-2014-07-18HUMAN RIGHTS WATCHGAZA: AIRSTRIKE DEATHS RAISE CONCERNS ON GROUND OFFENSIVE22 JULY 2014http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/22/gaza-airstrike-deaths-raise-concerns-ground-offensiveHUMAN RIGHTS WATCHISRAEL/PALESTINEUNLAWFUL ISRAELI AIRSTRIKES KILL CIVILIANS16 JULY 2014http://www.hrw.org/news/2014/07/15/israelpalestine-unlawful-israeli-airstrikes-kill-civilians


[10]

”Het volgt op scherpe wereldwijde kritiek op de Israëlische beschieting van een VN-school in Gaza. De Verenigde Staten reageerden buitengewoon scherp op de tweede raketaanval in een week op een VN-school in de Gaza-strook. Een woordvoerder van het Amerikaanse ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken zegt ‘geschokt’ te zijn door de ‘schandelijke beschieting van de VN-school’……….
”Eerder op de dag had de secretaris-generaal van de Verenigde Naties, Ban Ki-moon, al zijn afschuw uitgesproken over de beschieting van de VN-school in Rafah waar zo’n 3.000 Palestijnse vluchtelingen verbleven. Zeker tien mensen werden gedood toen een raket insloeg bij de ingang van de school, aldus medische bronnen in Gaza.”

TIJD.BE”HUMANITAIR” BESTAND IN GAZA
https://www.tijd.be/nieuws/politiek_economie_internationaal/VS_halen_uit_naar_Israel/9530325.html  


NOSBAN BOOS NA BESCHIETING VN SCHOOL3 AUGUSTUS 2014 http://nos.nl/artikel/682477-ban-boos-na-beschieting-vnschool.html

[11]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people”

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSNO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM25 JULI 2014
http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm


[12]

”We explicitly and loudly condemned the direct shelling of the Al Aqsa hospital on July 21st that killed at least four people. We clearly denounce the indiscriminate rocketing of Israel. We stated categorically that even in the midst of warfare, people must be able to receive medical care in safety.

INTERNATIONAL RED CROSSNO WONDER GAZANS ARE ANGRY.THE RED CROSS CAN’T PROTECT THEM25 JULI 2014
http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/article/editorial/07-24-gaza-israel-palestine-maio.htm


[13]


THE INDEPENDENTWONDERWOMAN GAL GADOT ON ISRAEL-GAZA ISRAELI ACTRESS’SPRO IDF STANCE CAUSES CONTROVERSY1 AUGUST 2014
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/wonder-woman-gal-gadot-on-israel-gaza-israeli-actresss-pro-idf-stance-causes-controversy-9643412.html 


[13]

WIKIPEDIAISRAEL DEFENSE FORCES
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel_Defense_Forces 

ZIEHIER DE WEBSITE VAN HET MOORD ISRAELISCHE LEGER

https://www.idf.il/en/



[14]


CIVIS MUNDIZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO 2012.MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN BEELD GEBRACHTASTRID ESSED
https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024  




THE RIGHTS FORUM
https://rightsforum.org/

BTSELEM.ORGTHE DUTY TO END OCCUPATION

The Duty to End the Occupation

EINDE MAIL AAN REDACTIE TV FILM

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor TV Film weer in de fout/Voor de derde keer promotie van de Israelische filmactrice Gal Gadot, verdedigster van oorlogsmisdaden!

Opgeslagen onder Divers

VS steunt weer Palestijnse hulp/NOS teletekstredactie bagatelliseert etnische zuiveringen Palestijnen door Israel

ETNISCH GEZUIVERDE PALESTIJNEN IN 1948http://www.palestineremembered.com/Articles/General/Story1649.htmlhttp://la.indymedia.org/news/2007/06/201927.php

Brief aan NOS Teletekstredactie

AAN

NOS TELETEKST REDACTIE

Onderwerp

Uw berichtgeving dd 8 april 2021 ”VS steunt weer Palestijnse hulp”

Geachte Redactie,

Een van de belangrijkste pijlers voor goede journalistiek is onpartijdigheid en waarheidsgetrouwe en volledige berichtgeving.

Lees er maar uw eigen Handleiding op na. [1]

Nu weet ik het ook wel:

Volledige onpartijdigheid is vrijwel onmogelijk.

Maar een ander, zeer belangrijk journalistiek principe, dat die

”partijdigheid en objectiviteit” in belangrijke mate dekt is een

eveneens belangrijke pijler:

”Hoor en wederhoor”, u uiteraard niet onbekend. [2]

Nu, bij lezing van uw berichtgeving dd 8 april ”VS steunt weer Palestijnse hulp”, ontbreekt het zowel aan hoor en wederhoor, waarheidsgetrouwheid

en volledigheid.

Ik ga met u door uw nieuwsberichtgeving hieromtrent:

De tekst van uw berichtgeving treft u direct onder P/S aan, 

boven het notenapparaat.

BESLISSINGEN PRESIDENT TRUMP

Ik begin met de laatste alinea:

Hierin vermeldt u [ik citeer uw berichtgeving,zie onder P/S]

”Voormalig president Trump stopte bijna alle Palestijnse hulp.Daarmee zou hij hebben willen afdwingen, dat Palestijnse leiders naarde onderhandelingstafel met Israel kwamen.”
Op zich klopt dit bericht wel, toch is het niet volledig en schendt het principe”hoor en wederhoor”Want u vermeldt weliswaar het door president Trump uitgedragen Amerikaansestandpunt, maar niet de reactie van de andere, de Palestijnse kant.En daarin werd van ”chantage” gesproken, onder andere door Dr Hanan Ashrawi, een belangrijke Palestijnse politica:Ik citeer de Israelische krantThe Haaretz ivm haar reactie op de door u genoemde Trumpbeslissing:”PLO Executive Committee member Dr Hanan Ashrawi said of the decision on Saturday that : ”Such an act

of political blackmail goes against the norms of human decency and morality.” [3]

Deze reactie, of een andere uit officieel Palestijnse bron,

had door u vermeld moeten worden, naast het standpunt

van Trump en co.

Wist u trouwens, dat dat afsnijden van de Amerikaanse

hulp, door toenmalig president Trump, onder andere

impliceerde het sluiten van zes Palestijnse ziekenhuizen

in het door Israel bezette Oost Jeruzalem? [4]

En dat er door analisten tegen gewaarschuwd is,

dat een dergelijke strafmaatregel [want dat was het tenslotte] destructief kan zijn voor de Palestijnse 

gezondheidszorg, waarbij met name het ziekenhuis Augusta Victoria genoemd werd. [5]

Dergelijke feiten dient u in uw berichtgeving te

noemen, in verband met de balans [de Palestijnse reactie] en de volledige berichtgeving [de sluiting van die

Palestijnse ziekenhuizen]

PALESTIJNSE VLUCHTELINGEN

Nu kom ik op het punt waarover ik het meest ben gevallen:

In uw berichtgeving, tweede alinea, vermeldt u over de UNWRA

”De organisatie werd in 1949 opgericht voor Palestijnen, die hun huizen,dorpen en steden waren ontvlucht vanwege het Arabisch-Israelische conflict………….”
Nu is het technisch gezien juist, dat meer dan 750 000 [het aantal noemtu niet, wat u eveneens te verwijten valt, omdat zo de omvang van de rampniet duidelijk wordt] Palestijnen in 1948/1949 hun land, Palestina, zijn ontvlucht vanwege het Arabisch-Israelische conflict, omdat zij inderdaad voor dein 1948 uitgebroken oorlog tussen Israelisch-zionistische troepenenerzijds en Palestijnse strijders, gesteund door enkele pas onafhankelijkgeworden Arabische landen anderszijds, zijn gevlucht.Maar het onvolledig juiste van uw berichtgeving, waarbij aan de integriteit en de waarheidsgetrouwheid geweld wordt gedaan, bestaat hieruit, dat uniet duidelijk vermeldt, dat het hier niet zozeer ging om een vlucht in wildeweg[hoewel daarvan ook sprake was vanwege het panische schrikeffect], maarvan een bewuste door Israelisch zionistische troepen op bevel van de Israelische leiding, opgezette etnische zuiveringen van de Palestijnse bevolking!
ETNISCHE ZUIVERINGEN/MISDADEN TEGEN DE MENSELIJKHEID!
Ik ga hier niet de gehele geschiedenis van het Palestijns-Israelisch conflictin extenso behandelen, die er in feite opneer komt, dat de Palestijnen de oorspronkelijkebewoners van Palestina waren, eerst onderdeel van het Ottomaanse Rijk, nade Eerste Wereldoorlog semi kolonie [mandaatgebied] onder Groot-Britannie,dat een deal had gemaakt met Lord Rotschild, voorzitter van de zionistische Federatie in Groot Britannie, middels de Balfour Declaration, dat er een  ”Joods Nationaal Tehuis” in Palestina zou komen. [6]Dat uiteraard {er werd toen nog in termen van koloniale ofsemi-koloniale overheersing gedacht} over de ruggen van de toen nog gekoloniseerde Palestijnen,die er ook niets in te zeggen hadden, dat hun land in 1947 per VN Resolutie 181 werd verdeeld in een Joods en Arabisch deel, waarbij Jeruzalem zou een internationale status krijgen. [7]Het geheel zou een soort Federatie [Economische Eenheid] worden [8], maar in mei 1948 riepde Israelisch-zionistische [ik noem ”zionisme”, omdatdat de beweging was, die een Joodse Staat in Palestinawilde uitroepen] [9] leider Ben Gurion eenzijdigde Staat Israel uit. [10]Een oorlog tussen het vers opgerichte Israel en dePalestijnen en in die oorlog zijn behalve massaslachtingen van een aantal Palestijnse dorpen [11][met natuurlijk als schrikeffect de vlucht van Palestijnen] , bewust, door Israelisch-zionistische troepen,duizenden Palestijnen van huis en haard verdreven.Ik heb daarover geschreven [12], anderen ook en het is uitgebreid gedocumenteerd door de Israelische historicus Ilan Pappe [13] en de beweging NieuweIsraelische historici. [14]En zoals u weet of althans hoort te weten, zijn etnischezuiveringen, misdaden tegen de menselijkheid. [15]
Overigens gaat Israel ook in deze tijd nog doormet haar Oude Spelletje, de etnische zuiveringen. [16]

EPILOOG

Ik meen u in bovenstaande duidelijk en overtuigend aangetoond te hebben, dat u, en niet voor de eerste keer [17], een aantal journalistieke principes grovelijk hebt overtreden.

Het ergste vind ik nog wel uw bagatellisering van ernstige etnische

zuiveringen, in 1947 [reeds begonnen] en in 1948, van het Palestijnse volk.

Dat u het WEL kunt vermelden, bewijst mijn commentaar onder noot 18

Ik hoop en ga ervanuit, dat u bij een volgende berichtgeving accurater,

gewetensvoller en vooral deskundiger tewerk gaat.

Vriendelijke groeten

Astrid Essed

Amsterdam

P/S

NOS TELETEKSTVS STEUNT WEER PALESTIJNSE HULP
De Verenigde Staten trekken weer geld uit voor hulp aan Palestijnen.Er wordt 200 miljoen vrijgemaakt, waarvan het grootste deel voor de UNWRA is,de VN-hulporganisatie voor Palestijnen.
De organisatie werd in 1949 opgericht voor Palestijnen, die hun huizen,dorpen en steden waren ontvlucht vanwege het Arabisch-Israelische conflict.Bijna 6 miljoen Palestijnen zijn afhankelijk van de hulp.
Voormalig president Trump stopte bijna alle Palestijnse hulp.Daarmee zou hij hebben willen afdwingen, dat Palestijnse leiders naarde onderhandelingstafel met Israel kwamen.
EINDE TELETEKSTBERICHT
VS STEUNT WEER PALESTIJNSE HULPTELETEKSTBERICHT GECOPY PASTED:

https://nos.nl/teletekst#127
VS steunt weer Palestijnse hulp     
                                        

 De Verenigde Staten trekken weer geld
 uit voor hulp aan Palestijnen.Er wordt 
 200 miljoen euro vrijgemaakt,waarvan   
 het grootste deel voor de UNRWA is,de  
 VN-hulporganisatie voor Palestijnen.   
                                        
 De organisatie werd in 1949 opgericht  
 voor Palestijnen die hun huizen,dorpen 
 en steden waren ontvlucht vanwege het  
 Arabisch-Israëlische conflict.Bijna 6  
 miljoen Palestijnen zijn afhankelijk   
 van de hulp.                           
                                        
 Voormalig president Trump stopte bijna 
 alle Palestijnse hulp.Daarmee zou hij  
 hebben willen afdwingen dat Palestijnse
 leiders naar de onderhandelingstafel   
 met Israël kwamen.

NOTEN

[1]
De Leidraad gaat uit van een paar belangrijke principes: goede journalistiek is waarheidsgetrouw en nauwgezet, onpartijdig en fair, controleerbaar en integer. Zij laat zich toetsen en gaat op open wijze om met opmerkingen, reacties en klachten.”
RAAD VOOR JOURNALISTIEKLEIDRAAD

https://www.rvdj.nl/leidraad

Leidraad

De Raad voor de Journalistiek heeft een Leidraad vastgesteld, waarin wordt beschreven wanneer sprake is van zorgvuldige journalistiek en wanneer niet.

De Leidraad is ook te downloaden als Pdf-bestand.

Mag een journalist iemands privacy schenden? Wanneer dient een journalist wederhoor toe te passen? Kan een geïnterviewde erop staan dat de tekst die hij of zij vóór publicatie ter inzage heeft gekregen, wordt gewijzigd? Moet een journalist die een gesprek opneemt om er delen van te kunnen uitzenden, dit altijd van tevoren laten weten? Mag een columnist of een cartoonist iemand beledigen? Aan welke voorwaarden moet een embargo voldoen?

Het beoordelen van klachten is de voornaamste taak van de Raad. De Raad baseert zich in zijn werk op de Leidraad, die aan iedereen – zowel binnen het vakgebied als aan het publiek – duidelijk maakt wat van journalisten en goede journalistiek mag worden verwacht.

De Leidraad gaat uit van een paar belangrijke principes: goede journalistiek is waarheidsgetrouw en nauwgezet, onpartijdig en fair, controleerbaar en integer. Zij laat zich toetsen en gaat op open wijze om met opmerkingen, reacties en klachten.

Zelfregulering is belangrijk, zeker voor journalisten en ‘de’ journalistiek. Media spelen een belangrijke rol in de samenleving, op veel manieren en op een groot aantal platforms. Zij controleren gezag en organisaties, instituties en bedrijven. Ze spelen een belangrijke rol in het democratische proces. Goede journalistiek kan alleen in volle vrijheid en onafhankelijkheid worden verricht. Daar hoort verantwoording en transparantie bij. Zelfregulering is de beste manier om hier vorm en inhoud aan te geven. De Raad voor de Journalistiek is uitdrukking en instrument van die zelfregulering.

In 2007 heeft de Raad zijn eerste Leidraad gepresenteerd, die in de jaren daarna op enkele punten is gewijzigd. Net als de journalistiek heeft de Leidraad onderhoud nodig. Daarom heeft de Raad zijn Leidraad in 2015 herschreven en aangepast, met het oog op de huidige digitale tijd. Daarbij volgt de Leidraad de herkenbare journalistieke weg: van idee, via research en registratie, tot publicatie, transparantie en reactie. In juni 2018 is in punt A. van de Leidraad een passage toegevoegd waarin tot uitdrukking is gebracht dat kwetsbare groepen extra bescherming verdienen. In december 2019 is de norm ten aanzien van bronbescherming verruimd.

De Raad zal regelmatig bezien of er aanleiding is de Leidraad aan te passen. Journalistieke normen liggen immers niet voor de eeuwigheid vast. De Leidraad moet daarom voortdurend onderwerp van gesprek en discussie zijn. 

[2]

WIKIPEDIAHOOR EN WEDERHOOR IN DE JOURNALISTIEK

https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hoor_en_wederhoor_in_de_journalistiek#:~:text=5%20Externe%20link-,Ethiek%20van%20de%20journalistiek,in%20zijn%20berichtgeving%20te%20signaleren.

[3]

”PLO Executive Committee member Dr Hanan Ashrawi said of the decision on Saturday that : ”Such an act

of political blackmail goes against the norms of human decency and morality.”
THE HAARETZTRUMP TO CUT MILLIONS FROM E JERUSALEM HOSPITALS:EXPERT WARNS OF ”COLLAPSE”
https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/trump-to-cut-budge-of-e-jerusalem-hospitals-experts-warn-collapse-1.6463851

[4]
THE RIGHTS FORUMREGERING-TRUMP STOPT ALLE HULP AAN PALESTIJNEN- ”VERGROOTKANS OP VREDE”20 SEPTEMBER 2018
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/regering-trump-stopt-hulp-aan-palestijnen-vergroot-kans-op-vrede/

[5]
”Dave Harden, a former U.S. official who was in charge

of USAID in the West Bank, warned on Friday that the decision could lead to the ”collapse” of Augusta Victoria hospital.” 

THE HAARETZTRUMP TO CUT MILLIONS FROM E JERUSALEM HOSPITALS:EXPERT WARNS OF ”COLLAPSE”
https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/trump-to-cut-budge-of-e-jerusalem-hospitals-experts-warn-collapse-1.6463851

State Department official tells Haaretz decision is part of broader administration approach of cutting Palestinian aid ■ PLO calls move ‘act of political blackmail’ that goes against human decency

WASHINGTON – The Trump administration decided to significantly cut U.S. support for hospitals in East Jerusalem that serve the city’s Palestinian population. These hospitals were supposed to receive more than $20 million according to the foreign aid budget approved by the U.S. Congress for the current year, but the Trump administration decided to cut the funding in its entirety.

A State Department official told Haaretz on Thursday that this decision is part of the administration’s broader approach of cutting Palestinian aid and investing it in other priorities. 

>> Defunding UNRWA is an example of Trump’s ‘peace’ plan | Analysis

The administration deliberated for a number of weeks whether or not to include the East Jerusalem hospitals in its budget cut, since some of these hospitals are supported by influential Christian groups in the United States. The budget cut could cause harm to at least five hospitals in East Jerusalem, including Augusta Victoria hospital near Mt. Scopus and the St. John Eye Hospital, which is the main provider of eye treatments for Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem

There was indication of the influence of Christian groups supporting these hospitals earlier this year, when congress approved the Taylor Force Act, which put severe restrictions on U.S. funding for Palestinians.

The law included a special and specific exclusion for these hospitals, which was initiated by congress after some of the powerful Christian organizations supporting these hospitals had lobbied. The lobbying effort, however, did not influence the Trump administration’s budget cuts. 

Dave Harden, a former U.S. official who was in charge

of USAID in the West Bank, warned on Friday that the decision could lead to the ”collapse” of Augusta Victoria hospital. The hospitals and others in East Jerusalem serve

not only the city’s Palestinians, but also Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank, including cancer patients and

children. A Palestinian Authority official told NPR that ”these acts will not change our position toward our cause one bit. On the contrary, it consolidates our positions toward every issue, including Jerusalem. ”

PLO Executive Committee member Dr Hanan Ashrawi said of the decision on Saturday that : ”Such an act

of political blackmail goes against the norms of human decency and morality.”

By cutting vital funds to hospitals in East Jerusalem, the statement said, ”the United States administration is threatening to cause serious instability and grave harm to thousands of Palestinian patients and their family across

the West Bank and Gaza Strip and hurting the livelihood of thousands of workers in the Palestinian healthcare sector in the occupied city.”

The statement concluded by calling upon the international

community to hold Israel accountable ”before the requirements for a just peace and stability are destroyed

indefinitely.”

Trump said thursday that his administration stopped giving financial aid to the Palestinians as a way of putting pressure on them to return to American led negociations

with Israel. ”I told them, we’re not paying you until we make a deal. If we don’t make a deal, we’re not paying”,

the U.S. president said. Trump made the comments

during a conference call with Jewish leaders and rabbis ahead of Rosh Hashanah.

His administration has recently announced that it will cut

$200 million from the aid approved earlier this year by

congress for Palestinians. The vast majority of that aid

was not supposed to go directly to the PA, but rather,

to economic and humanitarian projects in the West Bank

and Gaza. In fact, the only aid budget the administration

has  not cancelled, is the direct support fot the PA’s

security forces, worth tens of millions of dollars.

That money was transferred to Ramallah over the course

of the summer.

EINDE ARTIKEL

[6]

WIKIPEDIA

BALFOUR DECLARATION

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balfour_Declaration

[7]

”The United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine was a proposal by the United Nations, which recommended a partition of Mandatory Palestine at the end of the British Mandate. On 29 November 1947, the UN General Assembly adopted the Plan as Resolution 181 (II)”

WIKIPEDIA

UNITED NATIONS PARTITION PLAN FOR PALESTINE

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_Partition_Plan_for_Palestine

RESOLUTION 181 (II) FUTURE GOVERNMENT OF PALESTINE

https://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/7F0AF2BD897689B785256C330061D253

[8]

RESOLUTION 181 (II) FUTURE GOVERNMENT OF PALESTINE

https://unispal.un.org/DPA/DPR/unispal.nsf/0/7F0AF2BD897689B785256C330061D253

[9]

WIKIPEDIA

ZIONISM

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zionism

[10]

”On 14 May 1948, the day before the expiration of the British Mandate, David Ben-Gurion, the head of the Jewish Agency, declared “the establishment of a Jewish state in Eretz-Israel, to be known as the State of Israel.”

WIKIPEDIA

ISRAEL/AFTER WORLD WAR II

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel#After_World_War_II

ORIGINELE BRON

WIKIPEDIA

ISRAEL

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel

[11]

The Deir Yassin Massacre of Palestinians by Jewish soldiers

“For the entire day of April 9, 1948, Irgun and LEHI soldiers carried out the slaughter in a cold and premeditated fashion…The attackers ‘lined men, women and children up against the walls and shot them,’…The ruthlessness of the attack on Deir Yassin shocked Jewish and world opinion alike, drove fear and panic into the Arab population, and led to the flight of unarmed civilians from their homes all over the country.” Israeli author, Simha Flapan, “The Birth of Israel.”’’

IF AMERICANS KNEW
THE ORIGIN OF THE PALESTINE-ISRAEL CONFLICT

http://www.ifamericansknew. org/history/origin.html 

UITPERS.BE

RAMPSPOED OVER PALESTINA

ASTRID ESSED

1 JUNI 2007

[12]

UITPERS.BE

RAMPSPOED OVER PALESTINA

ASTRID ESSED

1 JUNI 2007

CIVIS MUNDI

ZWEEDSE FOTOGRAAF WINT WORLD PRESS PHOTO

2012. MISDADEN ISRAELISCHE POLITIEK IN

BEELD

ASTRID ESSED

https://www.civismundi.nl/?p=artikel&aid=2024

[13]

THE ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE

ILAN PAPPE

WIKIPEDIA

THE ETHNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Ethnic_Cleansing_of_Palestine

” This article, excerpted and adapted from the early chapters of a new book, emphasizes the systematic preparations that laid the ground for the expulsion of more than 750,000 Palestinians from what became Israel in 1948. While sketching the context and diplomatic and political developments of the period, the article highlights in particular a multi-year “Village Files” project (1940–47) involving the systematic compilation of maps and intelligence for each Arab village and the elaboration—under the direction of an inner “caucus” of fewer than a dozen men led by David Ben-Gurion—of a series of military plans culminating in Plan Dalet, according to which the 1948 war was fought. The article ends with a statement of one of the author’s underlying goals in writing the book: to make the case for a paradigm of ethnic cleansing to replace the paradigm of war as the basis for the scholarly research of, and the public debate about, 1948”

UNIVERSITY OF EXETER

1948 ETNIC CLEANSING OF PALESTINE

ILAN PAPPE

https://ore.exeter.ac.uk/repository/bitstream/handle/10871/15208/1948%20Ethnic%20Cleansing%20of%20Palestine.pdf;sequence=2

[14]

WIKIPEDIA

NEW HISTORIANS

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Historians

[15]ROME STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT
https://www.icc-cpi.int/resource-library/Documents/RS-Eng.pdf

 Article 7 Crimes against humanity 1. For the purpose of this Statute, “crime against humanity” means any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack:
 (a) Murder; (b) Extermination; (c) Enslavement; (d) Deportation or forcible transfer of population; 

[16]
THE RIGHTS FORUMISRAEL START ETNISCHE ZUIVERING VAN PALESTIJNS DORP6 JULI 2018
https://rightsforum.org/nieuws/israel-start-etnische-zuivering-palestijns-dorp/

[17]

ASTRID ESSED VERSUS NOS TELETEKSTREDACTIE
https://www.astridessed.nl/?s=NOS+teletekstredactie

[18]

HRW: ISRAEL VERDRIJFT BEDOUIENEN/WAARDERING VOORNOS BERICHTGEVINGASTRID ESSED1 SEPTEMBER 2013
HRW: Israel verdrijft Bedouienen/Waardering voor NOS berichtgeving | Astrid Essed

HRW: Israel verdrijft Bedouienen/Waardering voor NOS berichtgeving | Ast…

EINDE NOTENAPPARAAT

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor VS steunt weer Palestijnse hulp/NOS teletekstredactie bagatelliseert etnische zuiveringen Palestijnen door Israel

Opgeslagen onder Divers

Open Brief aan het Cidi over de verantwoordelijkheid van Sharon voor de massamoord in Sabra en Shatila

Image result for Destruction of Gaza/Images

MISDADEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTINGVERWOESTING VAN GAZA

BEZETTINGSTERREUR
foto Oda Hulsen Hebron 2 mei 2017/Verwijst naar foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die tegen de muur wordt gezet doorIsraelische soldaten, die hem toeriepen ”Where is your knife!”/Later vrijgelaten

NB Het is dus NIET de foto van een Palestijnse jongen, die bij de kraag wordt gegrepen

Foto van Oda Hulsen valt soms weg

Since late 2015, 249 Palestinians have been killed in Israel and the Palestinian territories [File: EPA]http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/palestinian-teen-killed-israeli-army-clashes-170116155810513.html

Image result for settlements/Images

BITTEREBIJPRODUCTEN VAN DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTING

ISRAELISCHE NEDERZETTINGEN IN DE BEZETTE PALESTIJNSEGEBIEDENILLEGAAL VOLGENS HET INTERNATIONAAL RECHT

DAT IS WAT DE ISRAELISCHE BEZETTING EN TERREUR INHOUDT:

DIEFSTAL, ONDERDRUKKING, VERNEDERINGEN, OORLOGSMISDADEN,

MISDADEN TEGEN DE MENSELIJKHEID!

EN LATEN WE SABRA EN SHATILA NIET VERGETEN EN SHARON’S

VERDERFELIJKE ROL DAARIN!

CIDI:  NIET SHARON, MAAR CHRISTELIJKE MILITIES WARENVERANTWOORDELIJK VOOR SABRA EN SHATILA/ASTRID ESSEDIN DE AANVAL TEGEN CIDI:” ISRAEL EN SHARON WEL DEGELIJKVERANTWOORDELIJK”
VOORAF:
LEZERS!Soms diep je iets op uit de Oude DoosDestijds [2004] is mij door een aantal Palestina activisten en organisatiesgevraagd om te reageren op een Cidi artikel ”Niet Sharon, maarchristelijke milities waren verantwoordelijk voor Sabra en Shatila” [1]Dat heb ik toen gedaan in de vorm van een ook aan het Cidi toegezonden”Open Brief”, die ik hier ten gerieve van u, nogmaals afdruk.
Niet alleen blijft deze gruwelijke massamoord actueel, als onderdeelvan de verantwoordelijkheid van bezettingsstaat Israel voor de terreurf,het Palestijnse volk aangedaan [en ook de misdaden in Libanon, doorIsrael of onder verantwoordelijkheid van Israel gepleegd]
Ook ziet u hieraan een vleugje van de redeneertrant van pro Israelclub het Cidi, die Israel onder alle omstandigheden zal verdedigen.Lees onderstaande en huiver over het Cidi, onderdeel van demachtige Israel Lobby….

ASTRID ESSED
[1]
CIDI”NIET SHARON, MAAR CHRISTELIJKE MILITIES ZIJNVERANTWOORDELIJK VOOR SABRA EN SHATILA”22 SEPTEMBER 2004

REACTIE ASTRID ESSED

OPEN BRIEF AAN HET CIDI OVER DE VERANTWOORDELIJKHEIDVAN SHARON TAV SABRA EN SHATILA
http://archive.indymedia.be/news/2004/09/88434.html

by Astrid Essed Thursday, Sep. 30, 2004 at 2:18 AM

In haar nieuwsbrief dd 22-9 ontkent het CIDI [Centrum voor Informatie en Documentatie Israel] de verantwoordelijkheid van Sharon voor Sabra en beschuldigt Stop de Bezetting van verwantschap met notoire fascisten. Mijn reactie hierop





Geheel onderin treft u de inhoud van de CIDI-nieuwsbrief aan:





Aan de samensteller[s] van de CIDI-Nieuwsbrief dd 22-9 ”Niet Sharon, maar christelijke milities waren verantwoordelijk voor Sabra en Shatilla”

Geachte heer/mevrouw,

Ik wil graag uw aandacht vragen voor het volgende:
Ik heb de door u samengestelde Nieuwsbrief dd 22-9 ”Niet Sharon, maar christelijke milities waren verantwoordelijk voor Sabra en Shatilla” met belangstelling gelezen.

Alvorens in te gaan op de door u gemaakte mi stuitende associatie tussen de NVU en de werkgroep ”Stop de Bezetting”, die als zodanig niet ”van Gretta Duisenberg” is, maar wordt gedragen door een brede groep in de Nederlandse samenleving [hierbij verwijs ik u naar de op de website van Stop de Bezetting aanwezige handtekeningenlijst] wil ik graag bij dezen de vrijheid nemen enkele kritische kanttekeningen te maken bij het inhoudelijke karakter van uw artikel, waarbij ik voor de duidelijkheid graag een onderverdeling naar onderwerp wil aanbrengen:

A Israelische inval in Libanon alias Operatie Vrede voor Galilea:

Uw citaat:

“‘Op 6 juni 1982 vielen Israelische troepen Zuid-Libanon binnen, met het doel de opbreking van de terroristische infrastructuur van de PLO, die er een staat-in-een-staat had gesticht. Operatie ‘Vrede voor Galilea’ was in militair opzicht een groot succes. Na een week was Zuid-Libanon geheel in Israelische handen, was de Syrische bezettingsmacht in Oost-Libanon verslagen en hadden de PLO-eenheden zich in de havenstad Beiroet teruggetrokken. In de noordelijke en oostelijke sectoren vond het Israelische leger aansluiting met zijn christelijk-Libanese bondgenoten. Beiroet werd aan alle kanten omsingeld, maar desondanks weigerde de PLO zich over te geven.”

Einde uw citaat

Mijn commentaar:

1 Uw legitimatie voor de inval in Libanon:

Als legitimatie voor de Israelische inval in Libanon, van Israelische zijde aangeduid met de term ”Vrede voor Galilea” voert u aan ”de opbreking van de terroristische infrastructuur van de PLO, die er een staat in een staat had gesticht”

In de eerste plaats is hierbij opvallend, dat u bij de categorisering ”terroristische infrastructuur” geen onderscheid maakt tussen de internationaalrechtelijke betekenis van het woord terrorisme [militaire aanvallen op burgers] en het gelegitimeerde verzet tegen het leger van een bezettingsmacht.
Ongetwijfeld bent u op de hoogte van het feit, dat een groot aantal aanvallen van de PLO zich richtten tegen het Israelische leger als zijnde de bezettende macht in de Westelijke Jordaanoever, het Gaza-gebied en Oost-Jeruzalem, hetgeen als zodanig niet als terroristisch kan worden gecatagoriseerd.
Ook bent u zich er ongetwijfeld van bewust dat dergelijke PLO-aanvallen militair gezien nauwelijks een werkelijke bedreiging vormden voor het technologisch superieure Israelische leger, dat tot een van de sterkste legers ter wereld behoort, hetgeen duidelijk bleek uit het verloop van de door u terecht als ”militair succes” gekenmerkte inval in Libanon bleek.
In de tweede plaats verliest u uit het oog, dat de Israelische inval als zodanig een schending was van de soevereine integriteit van Libanon, die onder geen enkele omstandigheid door uw bovengenoemde argumentatie kan worden gerechtvaardigd, temeer vanwege de toenmalige aanwezigheid van VN-troepen langs de grens tussen Israel en Libanon, die met redelijk succes wederzijdse vijandelijkheden konden beperken.

Terecht is dan ook deze Israelische inval in Libanon veroordeeld dmv VN-Veiligheidsraadsresolutie dd 5-6-1982, evenals eerdere Isarelische invallen in Libanon.

2 Oorlogsmisdaden:

Opvallend in uw betoog vind ik het feit, dat u nergens gewag maakt van de op grote schaal gepleegde Israelische oorlogsmisdaden in Libanon.
Nog los van tegen individuele dorpsbewoners en stedelingen gepleegde oorlogsmisdaden als buitengerechtelijke executie cq het martelen van gevangenen bombardeerde het Israelische leger tijdens de inval in Libanon niet alleen op grote schaal burgerdoelen zoals diverse Libanese steden waaronder de Libanese hoofdstad Beiroet, hetgeen in strijd is met het Internationaal Recht, maar maakte hierbij tevens gebruik van anti-personele wapens als fragmentatiebommen met als gevolg alleen al in Beiroet een slachtofferaantal van meer dan 10.000 burgers.
Grondregel in het humanitair oorlogsrecht is, dat er bij militaire aanvallen altijd een onderscheid gemaakt dient te worden tussen combatanten [militairen en strijders] en non-combatanten [burgers] en dat bij in elkaar overlopende gevallen [wanneer strijders zich schuilhouden tussen burgers] in ieder geval een maximum aan veiligheidsmaatregelen tav de burgers in acht genomne dient te worden.
Dit heeft het Israelische leger echter niet gedaan met ale rampzalige gevolgen van dien.

Ongetwijfeld bent u op de hoogte van de veroordelingen tav Israel in zowel de VN-Veiligheidsraad [dd 19-6 1982, nr 512] als in de Algemene Vergadering van de VN [dd 19-8-1982 ES-7/8 en dd 24-9 1982 dd ES-7/9]

B Voorafgaande aan Sabra en Chatillah:

Uw citaat:

”Na een beleg van een maand ging de PLO-leiding op 14 augustus alsnog akkoord met de eis dat alle Palestijnse milities het land zouden verlaten. De evacuatie was op 30 augustus grotendeels voltooid; op die dag scheepte ook Jasser Arafat in en vertrok met zijn trouwste eenheden onder een internationaal vrijgeleide naar Tunis. Enkele duizenden PLO-strijders (met verschillende nationaliteiten) bleven echter in Libanon achter, het merendeel van hen in de Palestijnse wijken – voorheen vluchtelingenkampen – van Beiroet: Sabra, Sjatilla en Bourj Al-Brajneh.

Het vertrek van de PLO-hoofdmacht werd gevolgd door een wachtperiode, waarin het Israelische leger niet alle delen van de Libanese hoofdstad bezette. Ook de Palestijnse stadswijken werden omsingeld, maar niet ingenomen.”

Einde uw citaat:

Mijn commentaar:

Hoewel uw betoog betreffende het vertrek van de PLO-hoofdmacht naar Tunis historisch gezien klopt, valt het mij op, dat u Sabra en Chaillah caregoriseert als Palestijnse wijken, terwijl het in dezen evident is, dat zij qua structurele opbouw wel degelijk vluchtelingenkampen zijn.
Daarenboven ervaar ik het als buitengewoon stuitend, dat u impliciet de genocide in Sabra en Chatillah verdedigt met uw onjuiste suggestie, dat zich in deze kampen PLO-strijders zouden bevinden.
Niet allen rechtcaardigt niets een dergelijke genocide, maar daarenboven snijdt uw bewering geen hout, aangezien het nooit tot een dergelijke slachting had kunnen komen, wanneer er zich werkelijk gewapende PLO-strijders in de desbetreffende kampen hadden bevonden.
Juist het vertrek van de PLO-strijdkrachten maakte de Palestijnse burgerbevolking weerloos voor militaire aanvallen van groepen als de christelijke falangisten.

C Sabra en Chatillah en de hoofdverantwoordelijkheid van de toenmalige minister van Defensie Sharon:

Uw citaat

”Op 14 september kwam de nog maar net tot president gekozen christelijke leider Bashir Gemayel bij een bomaanslag om het leven. Het Israelische leger was genoodzaakt West-Beiroet binnen te trekken teneinde chaos en geweld te voorkomen. Twee dagen later gaf het Israelische opperbevel de christelijke strijdkrachten opdracht Sabra en Sjatilla binnen te trekken en van achtergebleven terreurnesten te zuiveren. Er werd echter een massaslachting aangericht, uit wraak voor de moord op Gemayel. Volgens Libanese bronnen kwamen bij de actie 474 mensen om het leven, waarvan het grootste deel non-combattanten. De Libanese dodenlijst: Palestijnen: 313 mannen, 8 vrouwen en 7 kinderen. Libanezen (moslims): 98 mannen, 8 vrouwen en 2 kinderen. Buitenlandse mannen (aan de PLO toegevoegde manschappen): 21 Iraniërs, 7 Syriërs, 3 Pakistani en 2 Algerijnen.
Israelische bronnen spreken overigens van tussen de 700 en 800 dodelijke slachtoffers.

Kahanecommissie

De massamoord leidde tot grootschalige protesten vanuit de Israelische bevolking. Op 28 september besloot de Israelische regering een diepgaand onderzoek naar de gang van zaken in Beiroet te laten instellen. De ‘Commissie Kahane’ kwam op 8 februari 1983 met een rapport waarin werd vastgesteld dat Israelische eenheden of individuen geen directe verantwoordelijkheid voor het bloedbad droegen. Wel werd Israelische topfunctionarissen, waaronder minister van Defensie Sharon en chef-staf Rafael Eitan, indirecte verantwoordelijkheid verweten, omdat zij zich hadden moeten realiseren dat een wraakactie van de christelijke Falangisten voor de hand lag. Sharon kreeg voorts het verwijt dat humanitaire overwegingen bij hem kennelijk geen rol hadden gespeeld. De commissie beval aan dat Sharon zou aftreden en niet opnieuw in de functie van minister van Defensie zou dienen. Dat advies werd uitgevoerd.

Aan de andere kant stelt het rapport: “Wij zeggen niet dat het besluit om de Falangisten de kampen binnen te laten onder geen enkel beding had moeten worden genomen en dat het geheel ongerechtvaardigd was.”

Uit het rapport (zie de CIDI site) blijkt voorts dat Israelische militairen niet precies hebben kunnen zien wat zich in de steegjes van Sabra en Sjatilla afspeelde en dat communicatiefouten hebben bijgedragen aan het pas later bekend worden van de werkelijke situatie. Feit blijft dat de gevechten en moordpartijen twee dagen hebben geduurd, terwijl vooruitgeschoven eenheden van het Israelische leger zich op een steenworp afstand bevonden. Tijdens de nachtelijke uren van het drama werden de Falangisten door Israelische militairen met lichtgranaten bijgelicht.

Interessant is nog de rol van Elie Hobeika, chef van de inlichtingendienst van de Libanese christenen. Die zou in de middag van 16 september, nog voor de Falangisten Sabra en Sjatilla binnentrokken, van Sharon opdracht hebben gekregen zijn mannen in de hand te houden. In plaats daarvan beval Hobeika hen een slachting uit te voeren. Later bleek dat hij een dubbelagent was van de Syrische inlichtingendienst. Volgens een van zijn medewerkers, Robert Hatem, had Hobeika de bedoeling gehad Israels reputatie wereldwijd te bezoedelen. Dat effect werd bereikt en bovendien leidde het drama tot een nieuwe situatie op de grond: Israel werd gedwongen zich uit de regio Beiroet terug te trekken.
Hoe het precies zat zullen wij nooit weten. Op 24 januari 2002 kwam Hobeika bij een bomaanslag om het leven.”

Einde uw citaat

Mijn commentaar:

In de eerste plaats moet u zich realiseren dat de toenmalige minister van Defensie Sharon, samen met de toenmalige premier Begin, uit hoofde van zijn functie verantwoordelijk was voor ale door Israel gepleegde militaire acties in Libanon, met name de gepleegde mensenrechtenschendingen en oorlogsmisdaden.

In de tweede plaats blijkt uit zowel uw betoog als de historische realiteit dienaangaande, dat de toenmalige minister van Defensie Sharon niet alleen de christen-falangisten als ”beschermers” van de Palestijnse vluchtelingenkampen heeft aangesteld, maar zelfs kennelijk de opdracht gegeven heeft deze kampen in te gaan.

Meneer/mevrouw:
Zoals u ongetwijfeld zult weten waren deze christen-falangisten, de bondgenoten van Israel in de oorlog in Libanon, de doodsvijanden van de Palestijnen.
Hen als bewakers aanstellen over een Palestijns vluchtelingenkamp of hen opdracht geven een dergelijk kamp te betreden staat gelijk aan het als bewakers aanstellen van de Taliban over een kamp met Amerikaanse krijgsgevangenen of de Noordelijke Alliantie als bewakers over Taliban-krijgsgevangenen.
Kortom, het was voor minister Sharon en de Israelische militaire top niet moeilijk in te schatten, dat een en ander weleens zou kunnen uitdraaien op een humanitaire catastrophe.

Maar het belangrijkste in dezen is wel het volgende:

Aangezien Israel nu het gehele gebied in Libanon militair controleerde en als zodanig bezettingsmacht was, golden in dezen de bepalingen van de 4e Conventie, waarvan een van de grondregels is, dat Israel als zijnde de bezettende macht HOOFD-verantwoordelijk is voor de veiligheid, het welzijn en de welvaart van de ”beschermde personen” [mensen, die leven onder een bezetting]
Hieruit volgt, dat Israel, in dezen belichaamd door minister Sharon en premier Begin, voor deze massaslachting sowieso hoofdverantwoordelijk zijn.
Hierop hebben trouwens zowel de Amerikaanse ambassadeur, officiele VN-functionnarissen en een groot aantal internationale politici Israel gewezen.

Een andere belastende factor inzake de hoofdverantwoordelijkheid van Sharon is wel deze:

Ondanks het feit, dat hij tijdens het plaatsvinden van deze genocide een groot aantal waarschuwingen heeft ontvangen van zowel Israelische officieren, Israelische journalisten, Vn-vertegenwoordigers, vertegenwoodigers van het Rode Kruis en de Amerikaanse ambassadeur heeft hij geweigerd in te grijpen.
Dit maakt zijn hoofdverantwoordelijkheid evident en is internationaalrechtelijk zeker met de desbetreffende feiten te staven.

Het is dan ook mi verbijsterend dat u niet alleen het aantal slachtoffers probeert te bagatelliseren [hoewel het aantal voor de gepleegde genocide van ondegeschikt belang is], maar vooral ook de evidente hoofdverantwoordeloijkheid van minister Sharon durft te ontkennen.

D Scebrenica:

Uw citaat:

”Screbrenica

Het drama van Sabra en Sjatilla heeft enkele overeenkomsten met dat van Srebrenica uit juli 1995. Screbrenica was een ‘veilige’ Bosnische enclave, die beschermd werd door een Nederlands bataljon van de United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Op 6 juli 1995 werd de enclave door het Bosnisch-Servische leger aangevallen en in zes dagen veroverd. Al tijdens de opmars werden moordpartijen onder de Bosnische moslims uitgevoerd, maar het merendeel van de slachtingen vond in de daarop volgende weken plaats, onder de ogen van de Nederlandse militairen, terwijl het bovendien onwaarschijnlijk is dat de gruwelen – vanwege de grootschaligheid ervan – niet bij luchtverkenningen zouden zijn opgemerkt. In die korte tijd werden naar schatting 8.000 moslims vermoord. Bij de voorbereiding werden de Serviërs zelfs geassisteerd. Zo scheidden Nederlandse soldaten mannen van hun gezinnen, waarna de mannen door de Serviërs werden afgevoerd om te worden vermoord.

Op 21 juli maakte het Nederlandse UNPROFOR-bataljon zich uit de voeten naar Zagreb.

Alhoewel informatie circuleerde over het gruwelijke lot dat de in de steek gelaten Bosnische moslims had getroffen (er waren door Nederlandse soldaten zelfs foto’s gemaakt op executieplaatsen), vond de commandant van de Nederlandse troepen, Couzy, een feestje op zijn plaats. “Terwijl de Bosniërs tot aan hun knieën in het bloed stonden, stonden de Nederlandse soldaten tot aan hun enkels in het bier, toegejuicht door kroonprins Willem Alexander, [premier] Kok en [minister van Defensie] Voorhoeve”, schreef de historicus Henri Beunders in NRC Handelsblad van 13 juli 1996.

Het heeft zoals bekend jaren geduurd voordat Nederland een onderzoek naar de gang van zaken liet instellen. En de uitkomsten daarvan zijn in alle opzichten onbevredigend gebleven.”

Einde uw citaat

Mijn commentaar:

Buitengewoon stuitend vind ik daarenboven dat u in een poging de huidige Israelische premier Sharon van schuld vrij te pleiten, zelfs een vergelijking wilt maken tussen de rol van het Israelische leger olv minister Sharon tav Sabra en Chatillah en de Nederlandse militairen in Sebrenica:

Hoewel ik het geheel met u eens ben, dat de Nederlandse militairen zich hierbij schuldig gemaakt hebben aan onacceptabele praktijken als het scheiden van mannen van vrouwen en kinderen [hetgeen impliceert, dat zij hadden kunnnen inschatten, wat het humanitaire gevolg hiervan zou zijn] en dat het mi totaal onacceptabel is geweest, dat zij het gebied verlieten en overdroegen aan de plaatselijke Servische commandanten, kunnend inschatten wat er eventueel zou gebeuren, zijn er in dezen wel duidelijke verschillen.

Sabra en Chatillah:

In de eerste plaats was er in het geval van Sabra en Chatillah sprake van het feit, dat het Israelische leger Libanon militair CONTROLEERDE en daarmee bezettende macht was, hetgeen impliceerde, dat Israel de verplichting EN de militraire potentie had de Palestijnse burgerbevolking te beschermen.
Niet alleen heeft de hoofdverantwoordelijke in dezen, minister Sharon, dit niet gedaan, nee, daarenboven liet hij het kamp bewaken door doodsvijanden van de Palestijnen, stuurde hen de kampen in nadat de Libanese tot president gekozen christelijke leider bij een bomaanslag om het leven kwam, terwijl hij van te voren de gevolgen van eventuele wraakacties had kunnen inschatten.
Daarenboven heeft hij niet laten ingrijpen terwijl de moordpartij aan de gang was, terwijl hij militair het gebied controleerde.
In de tweede plaats was Israel in Libanon aanwezig als aggressor en bezettende macht en de Nederlandse soldaten als beschermers van de plaatselijke bevolking, hetgeen hun positie totaal anders categoriseert.

Srebrenica:

De genocide van Srebrenica, hoe gruwelijk ook, kon in dezen noch op het conto van de Nederlandse troepen, noch op het conto van de Nederlandse regering geschoven worden al ben ik van mening, dat de Nederlandse regering politiek wel mede-verantwoodelijkheid draagt.
In de eerste plaats had Nederland [in tegenstelling tot Israel] geen allesverwoestende oorlog tegen het desbetreffende gebied gevoerd en was al evenmin bezettende macht, hetgeen een effectieve controle van het hele gebied uitsloot.
Bovendien bent u eveneens op de hoogte van het feit, dat er op het moment van deze gruwelijke gebeurtenissen slechts 300 Nederlandse militairen van Dutchbat gelegerd waren, die onmogelijk de Servische overmacht hadden kunnen tegenhouden.
Een deel van de Nederlandse problematiek was eveneens gelegen in het feit van het zeer beperkte VN-Mandaat [dat direct militair ingrijpen uitsloot] en het numeriek kleine aantal manschappen.
Hoewel zoals reeds door mij opgemerkt het Nederlandse batallion wel degelijk verantwoordelijkheid treft voor door mij reeds genoemde handelingen, hetgeen als zodanig, althans voor mijn gevoel te weinig onderzocht is, treft mi de grootste blaam de Nederlandse politiek, die van te voren had kunnen inschatten dat gegeven het beperkte VN mandaat en het kleine aantal Nederlandse militairen in dat gebied de Nedrelandse bescherming weinig effectief kon zijn.
Ook treft echter de VN blaam, die zo’n beperkt handelingsmandaat heeft vastgesteld, hetgeen zoals u weet in het geval van Rwanda tot gruwelijke gevolgen geleid heeft.

Een vergelijking tussen de evidente hoofdverantwoordelijkheid van Sharon voor Sabra en Chatillah en die van de Nederlandse troepen in Srebrenica is dus niet alleen grotesk, maar ook bijna ridicuul te noemen, wanneer het niet zo ernstig was.

E Uw opmerking tav NVU en Stop de Bezetting:

Uw citaat:

In het kielzog van de NVU kwamen vergelijkbare oproepen van onder andere de werkgroep ‘Stop de Bezetting’ van Gretta Duisenberg. Daarbij wordt het in de strijd werpen van grove onwaarheden opnieuw niet geschuwd. Vorige week was Duisenberg in New York, waar zij een toespraak hield op de door de VN georganiseerde International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People. Daar zei zij ondermeer: “Vorige week herdacht de wereld de terroristische aanslagen van 9/11, drie jaar geleden, en werd stilgestaan bij de bijna 3.000 slachtoffers. Deze week, 16 september, is het 22 jaar geleden dat door het Israelische leger een net zo barbaarse aanval werd uitgevoerd in Sabra en Sjatilla. Het aantal Palestijnse slachtoffers wordt geschat op 3.500. Deze terreurdaad stond onder toezicht van en werd goedgekeurd door generaal Ariel Sharon, de toenmalige minister van Defensie van Israel.”

Einde uw citaat:

Mijn commentaar:

Hoewel ik meen in bovenstaande commentaar voldoende te hebben aangetoond, dat er geen sprake is van ”grove onwaarheden” in de door mevrouw Duisenberg gehouden redevoering op de
door de VN georganiseerde International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People, staat het u uiteraard vrij hierover een andere mening te hebben, hetgeen uiteraard uw vrijheid van meningsuiting is, die ik bij dezen respecteer.

U moet zich echter in dezen goed realiseren, dat vrijheid van meningsuiting niet inhoudt vrijheid van belediging en dat de door u gedane uitspraak, waarbij u kennelijk een verband legt tussen de NVU en Stop de Bezetting, ten enenmale onacceptabel is.

Zoals u ongetwijfeld weet is de NVU een fascistisch-racistische organisatie, die mensen als minder ziet, uitsluit en minder rechten toekent op grond van hun andere vaak ”allochtone” afkomst
[Zoals u ongetwijfeld zult weten zijn met name na 11 september veelal ”moslims” het doelwit zoals in de zeventiger jaren de Surinamers, tot welke nationale afkomst ik behoor, in de tachtiger jaren de Turken en Marokkanen en begin negentiger jaren de Antillianen en ”asielzoekers” in het algemeen, zie Pim Fortuyn], maar ook op grond van hun Joodse komaf.
U weet beter dan ik dat dergelijke fascistische organisaties veelal sterk anti-semitisch zijn georienteerd.
Stop de Bezetting echter is een initiatiefgroep, die is ontstaan uit onvrede met de reeds 37 jaar durende Israelische bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden [de Westelijke Jordaanoever, het Gaza-gebied en Oost-Jeruzalem] ondanks de in 1967 aangenomen VN-Veiligheidsraadsresolutie 242, die Israel ertoe opriep zich uit de in de juni-oorlog in 1967 veroverde gebieden waaronder de Palestijnse, terug te trekken.
Stop de Bezetting wil, dat Israel de resoluties mbt tot het Midden-Oostenconflict respecteert en naleeft, met name resolutie 242.

Er is echter in een aantal pro-Israelische kringen, zowel Joodse en niet-joodse, de neiging iedere kritiek op Israel te beschouwen als anti-semitisch.
Niet alleen bagatelliseert een en ander het werkelijke zeer ernstige karakter van het echte anti-semitisme [een racistische afkeer van Joodse mensen en hun gebruiken, zich niet zelden uitend in volstrekt onacceptabele bijandige handelingen, daden en geschriften], daarenboven maakt het geen onderscheid tussen Joodse mensen in het algemeen en het politeik-miolitaire optreden van Israel als Staat in het byzonder.

Israel is een staat met aan een Staat eigen politiek-militaire aspiraties en is net zozeer gehouden aan naleving van het Internationaal Recht als iedere andere Staat.
Kritiek op het militair-politieke optreden van de Staat Israel gelijkstellen met anti-semitisme komt op hetzelfde neer als kritiek op het vroegere militair-politieke optreden van Bouterse gelijkstellen aan racisme.

Zoals u ongetwijfeld zult weten is er ook in Joodse kring groeiend kritiek op Israel’s optreden en zijn er ook diverse Joodse anti-zionistische verenigingen, ook vanuit religieuze hoek [http://www.netureikarta.org], maar daarvoor voer de discussie hier te ver.

Trouwens, zoals u weet is ook vanuit Israel zelf de kritiek op het regeringsoptreden aanwezig:

http://www.gush-shalom.org
http://www.phr.org.il
http://www.btselem.org
http://www.stopthetorture.org, om maar enkele websites die u ongetwijfeld bekend zijn, te noemen.

U zou mij dus zeer verplichten zo vriendelijk te zijn een organisatie als Stop de Bezetting, waarmee u het al dan niet eens mag zijn, niet in een adem te noemen met notoire fascisten.

Ik hoop u langs deze weg mijn standpunt tav uw nieuwsbrief nader te hebben toegelicht.
Hoewel u voor verder commentaar uiteraard bij mij terecht kunt, wil ik u er wel op attent maken, dat mijn tijd zeer beperkt is, dus dat ik nog slechts zeer kort op een eventuele reactie uwerzijds kan reageren.

Vriendelijke groeten
Astrid Essed
astridessed@hotmail.com


P/S Voor andere bronnen ivm de verantwoordelijkheid voor de toenmalige minister van Defensie Sharon verwijs ik u o.a. naar Amnesty International [http://www.amnesty.org], Human Rights Watch [http://www.hrw.org], het rapport van de Commissis Kahane en diverse VN-rapporten en verklaringen van zowel Israelische officieren, journalisten en de toenmalige Amerikaanse ambassadeur.






Documentatie Israel > Israel Nieuwsbrief 2004
CIDI Israel Nieuwsbrief 2004

https://www.cidi.nl/niet-sharon-maar-christelijke-milities-waren-verantwoordelijk-voor-sabra-en-shatilla/

Artikel – 22 september 2004
Niet Sharon, maar christelijke milities waren verantwoordelijk voor Sabra en Shatilla
In het kielzog van de NVU kwamen vergelijkbare oproepen van onder andere de werkgroep ‘Stop de Bezetting’ van Gretta Duisenberg. Daarbij wordt het in de strijd werpen van grove onwaarheden opnieuw niet geschuwd. Vorige week was Duisenberg in New York, waar zij een toespraak hield op de door de VN georganiseerde International Conference of Civil Society in Support of the Palestinian People. Daar zei zij ondermeer: “Vorige week herdacht de wereld de terroristische aanslagen van 9/11, drie jaar geleden, en werd stilgestaan bij de bijna 3.000 slachtoffers. Deze week, 16 september, is het 22 jaar geleden dat door het Israelische leger een net zo barbaarse aanval werd uitgevoerd in Sabra en Sjatilla. Het aantal Palestijnse slachtoffers wordt geschat op 3.500. Deze terreurdaad stond onder toezicht van en werd goedgekeurd door generaal Ariel Sharon, de toenmalige minister van Defensie van Israel.”

Wat gebeurde er werkelijk, 22 jaar geleden?

Operatie Vrede voor Galilea

Op 6 juni 1982 vielen Israelische troepen Zuid-Libanon binnen, met het doel de opbreking van de terroristische infrastructuur van de PLO, die er een staat-in-een-staat had gesticht. Operatie ‘Vrede voor Galilea’ was in militair opzicht een groot succes. Na een week was Zuid-Libanon geheel in Israelische handen, was de Syrische bezettingsmacht in Oost-Libanon verslagen en hadden de PLO-eenheden zich in de havenstad Beiroet teruggetrokken. In de noordelijke en oostelijke sectoren vond het Israelische leger aansluiting met zijn christelijk-Libanese bondgenoten. Beiroet werd aan alle kanten omsingeld, maar desondanks weigerde de PLO zich over te geven.


De situatie in Beiroet, juli 1982
Na een beleg van een maand ging de PLO-leiding op 14 augustus alsnog akkoord met de eis dat alle Palestijnse milities het land zouden verlaten. De evacuatie was op 30 augustus grotendeels voltooid; op die dag scheepte ook Jasser Arafat in en vertrok met zijn trouwste eenheden onder een internationaal vrijgeleide naar Tunis. Enkele duizenden PLO-strijders (met verschillende nationaliteiten) bleven echter in Libanon achter, het merendeel van hen in de Palestijnse wijken – voorheen vluchtelingenkampen – van Beiroet: Sabra, Sjatilla en Bourj Al-Brajneh.

Het vertrek van de PLO-hoofdmacht werd gevolgd door een wachtperiode, waarin het Israelische leger niet alle delen van de Libanese hoofdstad bezette. Ook de Palestijnse stadswijken werden omsingeld, maar niet ingenomen.

Op 14 september kwam de nog maar net tot president gekozen christelijke leider Bashir Gemayel bij een bomaanslag om het leven. Het Israelische leger was genoodzaakt West-Beiroet binnen te trekken teneinde chaos en geweld te voorkomen. Twee dagen later gaf het Israelische opperbevel de christelijke strijdkrachten opdracht Sabra en Sjatilla binnen te trekken en van achtergebleven terreurnesten te zuiveren. Er werd echter een massaslachting aangericht, uit wraak voor de moord op Gemayel. Volgens Libanese bronnen kwamen bij de actie 474 mensen om het leven, waarvan het grootste deel non-combattanten. De Libanese dodenlijst: Palestijnen: 313 mannen, 8 vrouwen en 7 kinderen. Libanezen (moslims): 98 mannen, 8 vrouwen en 2 kinderen. Buitenlandse mannen (aan de PLO toegevoegde manschappen): 21 Iraniërs, 7 Syriërs, 3 Pakistani en 2 Algerijnen.

Israelische bronnen spreken overigens van tussen de 700 en 800 dodelijke slachtoffers.

Kahanecommissie

De massamoord leidde tot grootschalige protesten vanuit de Israelische bevolking. Op 28 september besloot de Israelische regering een diepgaand onderzoek naar de gang van zaken in Beiroet te laten instellen. De ‘Commissie Kahane’ kwam op 8 februari 1983 met een rapport waarin werd vastgesteld dat Israelische eenheden of individuen geen directe verantwoordelijkheid voor het bloedbad droegen. Wel werd Israelische topfunctionarissen, waaronder minister van Defensie Sharon en chef-staf Rafael Eitan, indirecte verantwoordelijkheid verweten, omdat zij zich hadden moeten realiseren dat een wraakactie van de christelijke Falangisten voor de hand lag. Sharon kreeg voorts het verwijt dat humanitaire overwegingen bij hem kennelijk geen rol hadden gespeeld. De commissie beval aan dat Sharon zou aftreden en niet opnieuw in de functie van minister van Defensie zou dienen. Dat advies werd uitgevoerd.

Aan de andere kant stelt het rapport: “Wij zeggen niet dat het besluit om de Falangisten de kampen binnen te laten onder geen enkel beding had moeten worden genomen en dat het geheel ongerechtvaardigd was.”

Uit het rapport (zie de CIDI site) blijkt voorts dat Israelische militairen niet precies hebben kunnen zien wat zich in de steegjes van Sabra en Sjatilla afspeelde en dat communicatiefouten hebben bijgedragen aan het pas later bekend worden van de werkelijke situatie. Feit blijft dat de gevechten en moordpartijen twee dagen hebben geduurd, terwijl vooruitgeschoven eenheden van het Israelische leger zich op een steenworp afstand bevonden. Tijdens de nachtelijke uren van het drama werden de Falangisten door Israelische militairen met lichtgranaten bijgelicht.

Interessant is nog de rol van Elie Hobeika, chef van de inlichtingendienst van de Libanese christenen. Die zou in de middag van 16 september, nog voor de Falangisten Sabra en Sjatilla binnentrokken, van Sharon opdracht hebben gekregen zijn mannen in de hand te houden. In plaats daarvan beval Hobeika hen een slachting uit te voeren. Later bleek dat hij een dubbelagent was van de Syrische inlichtingendienst. Volgens een van zijn medewerkers, Robert Hatem, had Hobeika de bedoeling gehad Israels reputatie wereldwijd te bezoedelen. Dat effect werd bereikt en bovendien leidde het drama tot een nieuwe situatie op de grond: Israel werd gedwongen zich uit de regio Beiroet terug te trekken.

Hoe het precies zat zullen wij nooit weten. Op 24 januari 2002 kwam Hobeika bij een bomaanslag om het leven.

Screbrenica

Het drama van Sabra en Sjatilla heeft enkele overeenkomsten met dat van Srebrenica uit juli 1995. Screbrenica was een ‘veilige’ Bosnische enclave, die beschermd werd door een Nederlands bataljon van de United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR). Op 6 juli 1995 werd de enclave door het Bosnisch-Servische leger aangevallen en in zes dagen veroverd. Al tijdens de opmars werden moordpartijen onder de Bosnische moslims uitgevoerd, maar het merendeel van de slachtingen vond in de daarop volgende weken plaats, onder de ogen van de Nederlandse militairen, terwijl het bovendien onwaarschijnlijk is dat de gruwelen – vanwege de grootschaligheid ervan – niet bij luchtverkenningen zouden zijn opgemerkt. In die korte tijd werden naar schatting 8.000 moslims vermoord. Bij de voorbereiding werden de Serviërs zelfs geassisteerd. Zo scheidden Nederlandse soldaten mannen van hun gezinnen, waarna de mannen door de Serviërs werden afgevoerd om te worden vermoord.

Op 21 juli maakte het Nederlandse UNPROFOR-bataljon zich uit de voeten naar Zagreb.

Alhoewel informatie circuleerde over het gruwelijke lot dat de in de steek gelaten Bosnische moslims had getroffen (er waren door Nederlandse soldaten zelfs foto’s gemaakt op executieplaatsen), vond de commandant van de Nederlandse troepen, Couzy, een feestje op zijn plaats. “Terwijl de Bosniërs tot aan hun knieën in het bloed stonden, stonden de Nederlandse soldaten tot aan hun enkels in het bier, toegejuicht door kroonprins Willem Alexander, [premier] Kok en [minister van Defensie] Voorhoeve”, schreef de historicus Henri Beunders in NRC Handelsblad van 13 juli 1996.

Het heeft zoals bekend jaren geduurd voordat Nederland een onderzoek naar de gang van zaken liet instellen. En de uitkomsten daarvan zijn in alle opzichten onbevredigend gebleven

EINDE CIDI ARTIKEL

EINDE ARTIKEL ASTRID ESSED EN AANGEHECHT HET GEWRAAKTE CIDI ARTIKEL

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Open Brief aan het Cidi over de verantwoordelijkheid van Sharon voor de massamoord in Sabra en Shatila

Opgeslagen onder Divers

EXTREEM-RECHTSE HETZE TEGEN KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHT EN DE SLAPHEID VAN LINKS

Image result for ouderwetse vulpen/Foto's
Image result for middeleeuws zwaard

BESTRIJD FASCISME,  ISLAMOFOBIE, VLUCHTELINGENHAAT EN RACISME  MET DE PEN EN HET ZWAARD

HD Wallpaper | Achtergrond ID:410661

2560×1600 –  Fotografie –  Vuur

LINKS, STRIJD MET VUUR TEGEN HET FASCISME!

EXTREEM-RECHTSE HETZE TEGEN KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHT ENDE SLAPHEID VAN LINKSHet waait niet over, Geen StijlAlways ready to fight you!
VOORAF/EEN UITSTAPJE NAAR DE BRONSTIJD
Het is altijd interessant,een verfilming te zien van de aloude Griekse mythologisering over de Trojaanseoorlog, althans over de gebeurtenissen in het laatste jaar, 1250 voor Christus, waarin de aanvoerder van de Griekse troepen, koning Agammemnon, heftige ruzie kreegmet de grootste Griekse militaire held [Bronstijd like], Achilles, zoon vankoning Peleus en de Zeegodin Thetis. [1]De ruzie draaide, o wonder, om een meisje en het is beschreven in hetprachtige heldendicht van de dichter en bard  Homerus,de Ilias. [2]Op zich is het al grappig te bedenken, dat de hele Europese literatuur isbegonnen, gebaseerd is, op een ordinaire ruzie om een in een oorlog geroofd meisje! [3]Goed, ik heb er dus naar gekeken, die film Troy [4], en die had mooie,ontroerende momenten [die ga ik niet verklappen], maar er waren heelwat afwijkingen van het oorspronkelijke, prachtige heldendicht, waardoorde film ook iets potsierlijks kreeg, wat niet heel verbazingwekkend is bijeen Hollywoodproductie.Ik schrijf er zeker nog over, maar dan op mijn website.Hou die dus in de gaten, als je een cultureel liefhebber bent en geinteresseerd bent in wat mensen in de Bronstijd bewoog, hoe de man/vrouw relatie was enhoe de gezagsverhoudingen lagen. [5]
Maar waarom nu dat uitstapje naar een ver verleden?Omdat de Great Hero, Achilles, ook wel ”aristos Achaion” [beste van deGrieken/Grieks] genoemd, in de film Troy, toen ze naar Troje zeilden, zijnMyrmidonen [een soort elitetroepen], warm maakte voor de strijd, metde volgende woorden:”Do you know what’s there, waiting, beyond that beach?Immortality! Take it! It’s yours!” [6]

Nu heeft de idee van, en gedachten aan onsterfelijkheid,het voortleven, miljoenen geinspireerd, vooral kunstenaars,schrijvers en….ja, ook socalled ”warheroes”De oude Verhalen staan er bol van.
Welnu, lezers, als er ooit een Achilles heeft bestaan [en dergelijke figuren waren er natuurlijk] dan heeft hij inderdaaddie ”immortality” bereikt:Kinderen leren er NOG over
TERUG NAAR HET HEDEN/KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHT
MAAR….en daar is het mij om begonnen:Laten we hopen, dat wat zich ”parlementair links”noemt, zich niet ”onsterfelijk” maakt door zich tot in eeuwigheid te laten chanteren,bullyen en bedreigen door extreem-rechts en zijn legioenen hele en halve racisten en Islamofoben, en nu eensophoudt excuses aan te bieden voor zaken, waarmeezij niets te maken hebben.
Zie hieronder het Treurspel Kauthar Bouchallikht enhoe ”Links” voor de zoveelste keer slappe knieeen toonde……
DE HETZE
Het zal de lezer niet verbazen, dat de hele ellende rondKauthar Bouchallikth, klimaatactiviste en publicist en nummer9 op de Groen Links kandidatenlijst voor de Tweede Kamerverkiezingen [7] begonnen is bij de [extreem] rechtse,xenofobe webslite Geen Stijl en consorten. [8]Wat verbazender is, dat ook media en anderen zich aanslotenbij die Geen Stijl hetze.Daarover later meer. 

DE HETZE TEGEN KAUTHARCO PRODUCTIE VAN ONFRISSE, EXTREEM-RECHTSE ISLAMOFOBEN:GEEN STIJL, CAREL BRENDEL EN WEIRD DUK

Wil je de Slang onschadelijk maken, dan moet je de Kop eraf hakken.
HET BEGON MET CAREL BRENDEL….EN HET GING DOOR MET GEEN STIJL, WEIRD DUK…….
Carel Brendel, oud-journalist en berucht Islamofoob, geciteerd alsbron van Wijsheid door ”baarmoeder” PVV Tweede Kamerlid Machiel de Graaf [9],spuit zijn haat tegen Islam en moslims al jaren op zijn onfrisseVod, dat zich een Blog noemt. [10]
In november 2020 schreef hij twee artikelen, met als een doel:Twijfels te zaaien over de integriteit van kandidaat Tweede Kamerlid Kauthar Bouchallikht.[11]Waar ging het over?Kauthar Bouchallikht was in het verleden vice voorzitter geweest van FEMYSO[Forum of European Muslim Youth and Students Organisations], die gelieerd zou zijn aan de Moslimbroederschap. [12]Maar waar Grima is, is Saruman [slechterikken uit the Lord of the Rings!] nooit ver weg! [13]Want al gauw roerde Geen Stijl zich en in hun kielzog Wierd Duk, ookzo’n Islamofobe haatzaaier. [14]Hun grootste grief was misschien nog niet eens Kauthar’s verbinding metFemyso, en in hun zieke wereldbeeld dus ook met de Moslimbroederschap, maar het feit, dat Groen Links dit zou hebben ”verzwegen”. [15]Dus begonnen ze Groen Links onder druk te zetten en te bullyen.Geen Stijl was hier de hoofdstalker.Toen hun gebalk op hun eigen Bloggie [16] niets uithaalde, begonnen zeJesse Klaver op zijn werkplek, de Tweede Kamer op te wachten ente attaqueren.En helaas handelde Klaver niet als Denk collega Azarkan, die naWilders’ zoveelste ”Marokkanenprobleem uitbarsting weigerde hetGeen Stijl schoelje te woord te staan [17], maar maakte hij de inmijn ogen fout, door in te gaan op hun aantijgingen.Daarover zo meer.Want er was NOG een speler actief.Namelijk Weird Duk, die openlijk onthulde, wat zijn IslamophobicBrothers in Arms mogelijk het meest dwarszat:Dat er een vrouw met een hoofddoek zitting zou kunnennemen in de Tweede Kamer. [18]Gezamenlijk zetten zij dus de aanval in.
DE HETZE:GEEN STIJL INTERVIEW MET JESSE KLAVERMACHIEL DE GRAAF [PVV] OPGEVOERD
aEen Vrouw met een Hoofddoek:
Ik gaf het al aan:Een mogelijk Tweede Kamerlid met een hoofddoek [19],een lidmaatschap van een organisatie, die wel of geen banden hadmet de Moslimbroederschap [20], wat natuuuuurlijk dat kandidaatKamerlid tot een footsoldier van die Moslimbroederschap maakte [21],dat Groen Links dat zou hebben ”verzwegen” [22]En nog meer, maar dat komt later.
Maar waar het in feite op neer kwam, was de zoveelste extreem-rechtsehetze tegen  ”parlementair links” in de Tweede Kamer en het onvermogenvan Links, deze extreem-rechtse kluppies op hun plaats te zetten.

bStalking Geen Stijl like
Want ja, na door een co productie van  Islamofoob gestook en allerleiverdachtmakingen [23], besloot Geen Stijl Jesse Klaver te gaan lastigvallen en stalken op zijn werkplek, de Tweede Kamer door middel van wat zij een ”interview” noemden, waarvan reeds de toon werd gezet door de openingszin:”’Dagenlang wilden ze bij Groen Links niet of nauwelijks reagerenop de vermeende banden, die de nummer 9 op hun kieslijstzou hebben met de Moslimbroederschap of althans de Stichting waarvoor ze werkt.Vandaag hebben we bijna drie uur zitten wachten op Yasser, ik bedoelJesse Klaver en eindelijk hebben we dan een reactie……..[24]
Zoals ik al schreef, na eerst zeuren en met modder gooien,volgt het gestalk. 
c Daar is ie……..”Blud und Boden PVV er Machiel de Graaf”
Tekenend voor Geen Stijl waswas het feit, dat er een specifiek Kamerlid om commentaar gevraagd werd en wel PVV Kamerlid Machiel de Graaf. [25]Weet u nog lezers, de man, die commotie veroorzaakte inde Tweede Kamer door zijn extreem-rechtse Blud und Bodenverhaal [26], waarbij hij onder andere opmerkte:”De Nederlandse eigenheid, identiteit en cultuur worden viaimmigratie en de baarmoeder om zeep geholpen. [27]Lekkere jongen en door hem om ”deskundig” commentaar tevragen over de Moslimbroederschap, liet Geen Stijl wederom hunplek in het politieke Spel zien.Overigens ”grappig” dat de Graaf Geen Stijl’s IslamofobeBrother in Arms, Carel Brendel, nog aanhaalde om zijn gelijk te bevestigen……[28]Comrades in arms………
dGeen Stijl/Agressief en provocerend
Öpvallend was ook de voor GeenStijl kenmerkende agressieve en provocerende toon, metals doel verdachtmakingen en het in een hoek drijvenvan de geinterviewde, tenminste als het ”parlementairlinks” betreft.
eSlappe knieen van links:
En de belangrijkste fout die Jesse Klaver in dit hele treurspel rond Kauthar Bouchallikht gemaakt heeft, is Geen Stijl uberhaupt een interview toestaan.Klaver is bepaald geen onbekende in de politieke arena [29], kent Geen Stijl door en door, was natuurlijk op de hoogte van hunvoorafgaande verdachtmakingen tegen nummer 9 op zijnkandidatenlijst, Kauthar Bouchallikht en kon dus weten, dat ditinterview maar een doel diende:Kauthar Bouchallikht modder toegooien en via haar, Groen Links.Een dergelijk extreem-rechts medium weiger je dus een interview,zoals eerder [heel verstandig] Klaver’s collega van Denk, Farid Azarkan, WEL gedaan had. [30]Trouwens, Jesse Klaver had al eerder bewezen, dat hij het WEL kon als hij maar zijn best doet:Want naar aanleiding van dezelfde vraagstelling [over de”Marokkanenprobleem” uitspraak van Wilders], waarbij AzarkanGeen Stijl een reactie geweigerd had [31], had Klaver dat ook gedaan! [32]Hij kan het dus wel.Waarom nu, nu Geen Stijl duidelijk uit was op provocatie,persoonlijke aanvallen en verdachtmakingen en hetGroen Links er dus alles aan gelegen moest zijn, de extreem-rechtsehetze in de kiem te smoren, niet even stevig opgetreden tegenGeen Stijl en co?

”Co productie Geen Stijl en Machiel de Graaf”
Hoe dan ook:Deze keer ging Klaver er dus, helaas, WEL door de knieen:
Praten met dus Geen Stijl, dat hem op hoge toon ter verantwoordingriep, omdat zijn Tweede Kamerkandidaat zou werken voor demoslimorganisatie Femyso, die banden zou hebben met deMoslimbroederschap.In hun eigen woorden:”’Dagenlang wilden ze bij Groen Links niet of nauwelijks reagerenop de vermeende banden, die de nummer 9 op hun kieslijstzou hebben met de Moslimbroederschap of althans de Stichting waarvoor ze werkt.” [33]Waarbij impliciet werd gesuggereerd, dat Kauthar ook banden zouhebben met de Moslimbroederschap.Die suggestie werd versterkt door [aan het eind van het interview]de giftige opmerking van Machiel de Graaf [PVV], die nog even zijn zegje mocht doen:”We weten, dat het intellect bij Groen Links niet heel dik gezaaid is, dus ikvraag me af, of het nou een doelbewuste actie is om de Moslimbroederschaphier een voet aan de grond te geven in de Tweede Kamer, in het hart van onzeparlementaire democratie, of dat het nou echt van herhaalde onnozelheid is van een marxistische, communistische club, die natuurlijk wederom nietheeft geleerd van de geschiedenis” [34]Ik laat ’s mans gebazel over ”leren van de geschiedenis” [meer ietsvoor zijn partij en aanverwanten] en het neo liberale Groen Links [35]als ”marxistische, communistische club” [leuk geprobeerd] voorzijn rekening, maar ook hier weer:Via Kauthar Bouchallikht [die banden heeft met Femyso, niet metde Moslim Broederschap], via EEN Tweede Kamerlid, krijgtde Moslim Broederschap in Nederland voeten aan de grond….ZO gaan Geen Stijl en aanverwanten dus te werk.En als je hen interview tijd geeft, zoals Klaver weinig slim waste doen, geef je ze alleen maar gelegenheid hun hetze nog eensop Youtube te kunnen zetten en herhalen!

WAAR GAAT HET NU OVER?MOSLIMBROEDERSCHAP/FEMYSO/KAUTHAR
En dan nu naar de essentie:De echte[vermeende] banden, die Kauthar Bouchallikht had [heeft]met Femyso en de Moslimbroederschap.Over dat laatste kan ik duidelijk zijn:Lariekoek:Door niemand is bewezen, ook door moslimjager Carel Brendelniet [36] [laat ik hem nu even serieus een stem geven], dat KautharBouchallikht, in haar hoedanigheid van vrouw, mens, activiste,enige directe banden zou hebben met de Moslimbroederschap.Maar….dat wordt ook steeds alleen maar gesuggereerd:Lees na, wat Blud und Boden PVV’er Machiel de Graaf hierover zei in zijn gesprek met Geen Stijl [37] en je ziet, dat hij doorgaat over Femyso, de Moslimbroederschap, die al dan niet gewelddadig zouzijn, en suggereert, dat de Moslimbroederschap via Kauthareen voet in de Tweede Kamer zouden krijgen [38] [baarlijke nonsens], maar nergens, dat zij persoonlijk banden met hen zouhebben.Dat is dan ook direct het sneaky aspect van deze hetze.Is Kauthar dan wel bestuurslid van Femyso of geweest,zoals door Brendel en anderen wordt beweerd? [39]Dat klopt inderdaad, maar daarvan heeft zij zelf nooit een geheim gemaakt. [40]En in tegenstelling tot wat de extreem-rechtse meute beweert [weermaar even de Brendel artikelen, moeiteloos nagepapegaaid doorGeen Stijl Kuifje en hun vriendjes] [41], staat Femyso NIETop een lijn met de Moslimbroederschap.Trouwens, iedereen, die even doordenkt en begrijpend kan lezen, neemt er nota van, dat Femyso inhoudt: Forum voor EuropeseJeugd en Studentenorganisaties.Daarvan zijn dus al diverse clubs lid, het is niet een monolitischegroep.Dat Femyso vervolgens, dat al uit diverse clubs bestaat, isweer een onderdeel, volgens Brendel en zijn vrienden [Brendelkan mij er niet van beschuldigen, dat ik niet serieus op zijn stukkiesinga] van de Federation of Islamic Organizations in Europe[FIOE, ook weer een aantal organisaties], dat [althans als we Brendel, ex minister Donner van Justitieen de AIVD moeten geloven], dan weer een ”koepelorganisatie’ isvan de Moslimbroederschap in Europa, wat ook op Wikipedia te lezen is..[42]Dikke kans dus, dat er geen recht lijntje is tussen Kauthar en dedoor Islamofobisch rechts zo gevreesde Moslimbroederschap.Het leuke is trouwens, dat in de brief van minister Donner dd 11 april2011, waarop Brendel zich baseert [43] over de in Nederland actieveMoslimbroederschap het volgende wordt opgemerkt:”De AIVD verricht onderzoek naar radicaliseringstendensen in Nederland. Binnen dit onderzoek is er aandacht voor radicale en ultraorthodoxe islamitische bewegingen die in potentie een bedreiging kunnen vormen voor de Nederlandse rechtsorde. In dat kader heeft de AIVD onderzoek gedaan naar de Moslimbroederschap in Nederland. In deze brief worden op basis van dat onderzoek de conclusies beschreven inzake de mogelijke dreiging die van deze beweging uitgaat ten aanzien van de democratische rechtsorde in Nederland. De Commissie voor de Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdiensten zal vertrouwelijk meer in detail worden geïnformeerd………”De AIVD heeft geconstateerd dat de Egyptische Moslimbroederschap weinig invloed heeft op de beweging in Nederland. De Nederlandse Moslimbroeders streven naar de herislamisering van de moslimgemeenschap waarbij de islam leidend moet zijn in het dagelijks leven van de moslims. Zij richten zich daarbij vooral op het verspreiden van het religieuze gedachtegoed van de Moslimbroederschap en het vergroten van haar invloedssfeer. De Moslimbroeders in Nederland stellen zich gematigd op en streven een betere positie voor moslims in Nederland na. In hun discours zijn begrippen als integratie, democratie, burgerzin nadrukkelijk aanwezig.” [44]Nauwelijks een bedreiging te noemen, dus.Ook over de in de rest van Europa actieve Moslimbroederschap laatde minister/AIVD zich in zijn brief nogal gematigd uit. [45]
Kauthar was dus vicevoorzitter van een koepelorganisatie, die weer onderdeelwas van een andere koepelorganisatie, die weer banden had met deMoslimbroederschap.Dat staat er, in eenvoudig Nederlands.Bovendien blijkt er nergens uit, dat zij persoonlijk contact hadmet ”moslimbroeders” en nog belangrijker, dat deze Beweging niet bepaald verre gevaarlijk te noemen is. [46]Wel ziet de AIVD op de lange duur ”een risico”  [47], maar ja, inlichtingendiensten maken wel vaker prognoses op de lange termijn,die ook maar prognoses zijn.Ook werd het ”gevaar” van de Moslimbroederschap door IslamoloogJoas Wagemakers na onderzoek als ”flauwekul” neergzet. [48]

FEMYSOTerug naar Femyso:Toegegeven, van Femyso zelf weet ik niet veel, maar toch wel WAT:Want deze volgens de extreem-rechtse hetzers levensgevaarlijkeclub werkt samen met de Europese Unie [49]Geen Stijl interview] endit zijn enkele tegen terrorisme aanliggende partners van Femyso[Even in het Engels]Advisory Council on Youth (Council of Europe)Anti racism and diversity Intergroup (ARD)Council of EuropeEcumenical Youth Council in EuropeErasmusEuropean Coalition Against IslamophobiaEuropean Network Against Racism (ENAR)European ParliamentEuropean Student’s NetworkEuropean Youth Foundation [50]Dus kerkelijke clubs, het Europees Parlement,de Raad van Europa, anti racisme clubs, eenorganisatie tegen Islamofobie…. [51]Daaruit blijkt wel het ”gevaarlijke”karakter van Femyso…..
DE GROTE BOZE WOLF, DE MOSLIMBROEDERSCHAPOver Roodkapje en de Boze Wolf…..[52]
Naast de extreem-rechtse, Islamofobe obsessie met Kauthar als”de eerste vrouw met een hoofddoek” in de Tweede Kamer [53],heeft de Carel Brendel/Geen Stijl, Weird Duk etc Bende nogeen preoccupatie:Het Moslimbroederschapsyndroom.Op alle mogelijke wijzen proberen Machiel de Graaf [PVV], Brendel,Geen Stijl en aanverwante companen aan te tonen, dat er een al danniet innig verband is [via het eveneens ”levensgevaarlijke” Femyso [54] tussen Kauthar Bouchallikht en de Grote Boze Wolf, de Moslimbroederschap.Tevergeefs, zoals de intelligente lezer heeft mogen constateren. [55]
Maar de vraag, die nu natuurlijk gesteld moet worden is:Wat is de Moslimbroederschap eigenlijk en waarom zou die zogevaarlijk zijn:Met andere woorden:Waarom zou Kauthar in de Tweede Kamer zo gevaarlijk zijn,gesteld, dat zij inderdaad banden met hen zou hebben.Quod non erat  demonstrandum [Latijn: Wat niet is aangetoond] [56].
MOSLIMBROEDERSCHAP
Uit mijn research blijkt o.a. , dat de Moslimbroederschap, in Egypte opgerichtin 1928 door Islamitische geleerde Hassan al-Banna, begonnenis als een religieuze organisatie met een sociaal-charitatieve kant. [57]Ook verzet tegen het [toenmalige] Britse kolonialisme speelde een  belangrijke rol. [58]En die anti-imperialistische kant [vaak vertaald als”anti-Westers” omdat veel van de Westerse politiek imperialistisch is] is er nog steeds. [59]Wat waarschijnlijk de reden is van al dan niet verhitte ambtsberichtenvan de AIVD of ministeriele antwoorden op vragen van Islamofobepartijen, waarin de Moslimbroederschap, al dan niet op termijn, alseen gevaar voor ”democratische waarden” [lees maar gerust:Westerse belangen”, wordt beschouwd. [60]
Wat de lezer zich echter moet realiseren is, dat de MoslimBroederschap niet EEN organisatie is:Zij is een koepelorganisatie, met vertakkingen in eengroot aantal landen [61], waarbij vrij diverse clubs zijn aangesloten,die ook weer van elkaar verschillen op bepaalde politiek-ideologische gebieden. [62]Dus DE Moslimbroederschap als zodanig, bestaat niet.En kan de ”Moslimbroederschap” als zodanig inverband worden gebracht met ”geweld”?Internationaal gezien.JaBijvoorbeeld verzetsbeweging Hamas, die ”geweld” gebruikt, maardan wel internationaalrechtelijk gerechtvaardigd geweld, inhet verzet tegen het bezettingsleger van bezettingsstaat Israel [63], dat buitengewoon gewelddadig tekeer gaat in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden! [64]Een Bezettings en Apartheidsstaat [65], die nu eindelijk vervolgdkan worden voor zijn vele oorlogsmisdaden. [66][En ja, om snel alle critici de pas af te snijden:Geweld tegen Israelische burgers, wat ook door Hamas is gebezigd, mag niet [67], wat echter niets afdoet aan haar gerechtvaardigde strijd tegen de Israelische bezetter!]

Dus door alleen maar aangesloten organisaties van de Moslimbroederschap in verband te brengenmet ”geweld” [68], maar te zwijgen over de context, ontstaat er eenheel vertekend beeld, dat natuurlijk bewust wordt gecreeerd door PVV en consorten. [69]
MOSLIMBROEDERSCHAP IN NEDERLANDWat echter de ”Nederlandse” tak van de Moslimbroederschapbetreft, daarbij is van een ”gewelddadige ideologie”’geen sprake,zoals zelfs de AIVD heeft moeten toegeven. [70]De AIVD schrijft hierover:”De AIVD komt tot de conclusie dat de Moslimbroederschap momenteel geen directe dreiging vormt voor Nederland. Die conclusie trekt de AIVD op basis van het volgende:

  • De AIVD schat in dat het aantal actieve moslimbroeders in Nederland zich beperkt tot enkele tientallen.
  • De beweging heeft een beperkte invloed op de moslimgemeenschap en het maatschappelijk middenveld.
  • De AIVD heeft geen aanwijzingen dat de onderkende doelstellingen en activiteiten van de Moslimbroederschap strijdig zijn met de democratische rechtsorde in Nederland.
  • De AIVD schat in dat de weerstand in Nederland dermate hoog is, dat het onwaarschijnlijk is dat de beweging eventueel verhulde doelstellingen in Nederland kan realiseren.” [71]
  • WEL is er volgens de AIVD een mogelijk risico 
  • ”op termijn” [72], maar dat is natuurlijk maar een prognose.
  • Het gaat om het NU, de Geen Stijl en co hysterie was/is van immers ook in het nu [2020] [73]en niet ”op termijn”

En wat alle verhitte ”complottheorieen” rond de Moslimbroederschapbetreft:Die worden door Islamoloog Joas Wagenaars naar het Rijkder Fabelen verwezen. [74]Of is hij soms ook een handlanger van de ”Broederschap”[HAHAHAHA]

SLAPPE HOUDING JESSE KLAVER IN DE VERDEDIGINGVAN KAUTHAR BPOUCHALLIKHT
In EEN opzicht vinden Geen Stijl en Astrid Essed elkaar:Beiden zijn wij het over eens, dat de reactie van Jesse Klaver opalle aantijgingen van Geen Stijl en aanverwanten [75], byzonder slap was.Kijk, je kunt voor twee strategieen kiezen.Of je gaat nergens op in-en voor die lijn zou ik gaan, of Groen Linkshebben aangeraden, als ik iets met hen te maken had gehad, omde simpele redenen, dat deze xenofoben hele en halve waarheden aangrijpen om moslims en mensen van kleur te lasteren ofverdacht te maken-Of ALS je dan reageert, dan voluit met die confrontatie.Ontmasker hun verdachtmakingen en halve waarheden [ik wijs opreeds door Astrid Essed geschreven]Het eerste wat ik van Jesse Klaver’s weerwoord op de aantijgingenvan Geen Stijl [76] kon ontdekken, was een Verklaring, luidende:”Mijn Boodschap aan Kauthar en alle andere jongeren van Nederland” [77]Hierin schreef Klaver o.a.”Precies twee dagen heeft Kauthar Bouchallikht kunnen genietenvan haar plek op de kandidatenlijst van Groen Links.Daarna kwam de eerste aanval en dat zal zeker niet de laatste zijn,”En daarna”Helaas is dit de realiteit voor veel jonge moslims in Nederland. Zij moeten voortdurend hun loyaliteit bewijzen en laten zien waar ze staan. Als je ook nog eens vrouw bent, wordt die bewijslast nog zwaarder. Ik wil dit zeggen: mensen reduceren tot één identiteit doet hen geen recht. Er is een jonge generatie die tegelijkertijd moslim, klimaatactivist, feminist, LHBTIQ+’er, Nederlander, en nog veel meer kan zijn. Al deze identiteiten zijn met elkaar verbonden. Zij maken hen tot wie zij zijn: Nederlanders met ontelbare identiteiten.” [78]
Met alle respect Broeder Jesse, dit slaat nergens op.Als je schrijft ”Daarna kwam de eerste aanval en dat zal zeker niet de laatste zijn” [79], dan moet je op zijn minst toelichten, uit welke hoek die aanvalkwam, wat deze precies inhoudt, en waarom die aanval nergens op slaat,overdreven is of ten onrechte.Helaas, ik moet het zeggen, terecht schrijft Geen Stijl:”Ja, luister maat. Zo werkt dit niet. Er is maar één aantijging aan Kauthars adres, en dat is dat zij bestuurslid is van een organisatie die aantoonbaar aan de Moslimbroederschap gelieerd is, en de Moslimbroederschap op zijn beurt weer unaniem erkend is als ‘een mogelijk risico voor de Democratische rechtsorde in Nederland’.” [80]
PRECIES!DAAR moet je opin gaan, als je voor de aanval kiest.DAARVAN moet je aantonen, dat het nergens op slaat.Op hun INHOUD [of gebrek daaraan] moet je Geen Stijl en consorten pakken.Niet komen met vage verklaringen [81], die in hun algemeenheid waar zijn,maar waarmee je je in dit speciale geval niet kunt afmaken.En als je dat niet kan of wil, geldt ook weer hier:SPREKEN IS ZILVER, ZWIJGEN IS GOUD!
GEEN STIJL INTERVIEW
Maar goed!Jesse Klaver heeft dus gekozen voor de confrontatie, wat ik hem,nogmaals, zou hebben afgeraden, als ik iets met de Groen Linksclub te maken gehad had [wie zou hun ”spin doctor” zijn, by the way [82]En ALS je dan kiest voor de confrontatie, kom dan goed beslagen ten ijs!Dat deed Klaver dus niet in het hem opgedrongen Geen Stijl interviewop 17 november 2020!In de eerste plaats liet hij zich bullyen:Aan alles was te merken [let op zijn lichaamstaal], dat hij er totaalgeen zin in had, liet zelfs op een gegeven ogenblik duidelijk doorschemeren, weg te moeten [83], toch liet hij zich door de Geen Stijl verslaggever in een hoek drijven!
Dat was Klaver’s zogezegde ”sociale interrelatie” met Geen Stijl.Maar ook inhoudelijk was hij zwak:Want als je aangeeft ”niets met Femyso te hebben” en ”Femyso opgeen enkele wijze te willen verdedigen” [84], moet je ook uitleggen, wat voorbezwaren je dan tegen deze organisatie hebt.Ook dien je dan in te gaan op de Geen Stijl opmerking, dat Femyso al dan nietbanden zou hebben met de Moslimbroederschap.IS dat dan zo, volgens Jesse KlaverEn zo ja, wat is dan het  eventuele bezwaar tegen de Moslimbroederschap?Je kunt je er dus NIET vanaf maken met het Verhaaltje, dat je alleen naarde activistenachtergrond van Kauthar gekeken hebt.En als je enerzijds beweert, ”niets met Femyso te hebben” en deze organisatieniet te willen verdedigen, waarom dan wel later in het interview er de nadrukop gelegd, dat er niets mis is met Femyso, aangezien zij EU subsidie ontvangen? [85]Dat schept verwarring, je draait je steeds meer vast en je komt terecht waarGeen Stijl je wil hebben:In de Beklaagdenbank.En moet je rekenschap en verantwoording afleggen aan xenofoob, populistischen extreem-rechts schoelje.Het moet niet gekker worden!En laat het maar aan Geen Stijl over, om er een rel van te maken , waarbij het mij verbaast, dat reguliere media zich inlaten met een xenofoob achteraf Bloggie als Geen Stijl en zich door ”WC Eend” [86] laten ophitsen. [87], eenenkel verstandig artikel daargelaten. [88]Maar ik ben hier niet om alle media reacties te vermelden,wel om eenindruk te geven.Overigens ging Kauthar WEL op alle commotie in, op de site van Groen Links. en op Joop.nl, waar ze stelde, dat Femyso een legitieme organisatie is ”waarin allemaal verschillende moslims met verschillende opvattingen” zitten [89]En Legitiem is Femyso in ieder geval, anders ontvingen ze geen EU subsidies. [90]Over de MoslimBroederschap zegt Kauthar [op de site van Groen Links]:”“Voor eens en voor altijd: ik ben geen lid van de moslimbroederschap en heb niets met hun gedachtegoed. Ik sta voor vrijheid en democratie en tegen uitsluiting en onderdrukking. En ik sta helemaal achter het programma van GroenLinks. Net als alle andere kandidaten op onze lijst. Zullen we het dan nu hebben over hoe we Nederland samen eerlijker, socialer en groener gaan maken?” [91]In een interview met Trouw, het eerste interview, dat zij gaf nadat Geen Stijl en co los waren gegaan, verklaardezij onder andere [ik citeer Het Parool]:”“Ik sta voor radicale gelijkwaardigheid,” en ”“Het maakt mij niet uit wat iemands gender, seksuele geaardheid of kleur is.”Ook merkte zij op:”“Ik heb zelf ook nooit iets gemerkt van enige verbondenheid met de Moslimbroederschap. Ik wil ook niets te maken hebben met dat ­gedachtengoed.” [92]En over Femyso zei zij: [ik citeer weer Het Parool]”Bovendien is het volgens haar niet zo dat Femyso het gedachtegoed onderkent van alle verbonden organisaties. “Het is andersom. Zij moeten onderschrijven waar Femyso voor staat. Wat ons bindt, is dat we moslims zijn en mee willen doen in het democratische proces.” [93]
Jammer is, dat zij te weinig inhoudelijk  werd gesteund door Jesse Klaver.Zie nogmaals, Geen Stijl interview. [94]

SOLIDARITEEIT UIT HET BUITENLANDGaandeweg zou de Zaak tegen Kauthar nog verder escaleren [lees verder] en ook het buitenland zich ermee gaan bemoeien.Zo plaatste de Arabische nieuwszender Al Jazeera p op 24 december 2020 een solidariteitsbesteuning voor Bouchallikht. In de betuiging werd uitgegaan van islamofobie en racisme rond de kanditatuur van Bouchallikht [95]Deze solidariteitsverklaring was ondertekend door internationaleprogressieve prominenten uitde anti racisme beweging, de klimaatbeweging, universitaire wereld, politici, vakbondskringen en anderen.. [96]En ik denk, dat ze gelijk hebben, zoals uit bovenstaande is gebleken en uit hetgeen ik hieronder nog zal schrijven.
ZWAKTEBOD KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHTHoewel Kauthar enerzijds zich goed roerde [97], maakteze helaas ook haar eerste Fout, door te verklaren in het
Trouw interview ”Als Groen Linkser Milli Gorus niet meerte zullen bezoeken.. [98]Zoals ze zelf zegt, heeft ze in het verleden bij Milli Gorus als lid van Femyso een workshop gegeven. [99]Ze kwam er dus.Wat is daar fout aan, dat ze nu zegt, niet meer bij Milli Gorus te komen?Wel, het foute zit daarin, dat Kauthar dit niet uit zichzelf heeft besloten,maar onder druk van Kuifje Geen Stijl en co. [100]En daarom is dat een  zwaktebod.Kauthar is er vrij in, welke islamitische organisatie ook te bezoeken enalleen als zij uit eigen beweging daarmee wil stoppen, is het sterk engeloofwaardig.Niet onder druk van onsmakelijk extreem-rechts.Zij zou gedurende die Hetze Tijd meer fouten maken, meer slappeknieen tonen, daarover aanstonds meer.

RUZIE MET IEDEREEN

Nu is het probleem nu eenmaal, dat je, als je slappe knieeentoont, de rekening gepresenteerd krijgt.De Hetze zoekers Geen Stijl en co vertrouwen je niet en zullen met hunhetze niet stoppen, die ze eenmaal zijn begonnen [101], maar terechtvertrouwen organisaties waarmee je eerst in een of andere vorm eensamenwerkingsverband had, je ook niet meer, omdat je niet om je eigenredenen ze de wacht aanzegt [102], maar vanwege het hetze gedrag vanvijanden Geen Stijl en co. [103]Moslimorganisaties vooral de Nederlandse Islamitische Organisatie en dedoor Kauthar gewraakte Milli Gorus Nederland [maar ook anderen], toonden zich teleurgesteldover haar uitlatingen:Ik citeer Het Parool:”De uitspraken van Bouchallikht dragen volgens beide organisaties bij aan de demonisering van de moslimgemeenschap. Bouchallikht nam maandag in een interview in Trouw afstand van bepaalde standpunten van Milli Görüs en van de moslimbroederschap.”EN”De islamitische organisaties zeggen het ook ‘ten zeerste te betreuren dat mevrouw Bouchallikht in deze casus een islamitische organisatie, geworteld in de Nederlandse samenleving, voor de bus gooit om haar positie binnen de partij te verstevigen.’ Tegelijk hopen ze dat ze straks ‘zal bijdragen aan de emancipatie van moslims door moslimorganisaties te betrekken in plaats van uit te sluiten.’ [104]Ook andere islamitische organisaties hadden, zoalsreeds geschreven, moeite met Kauthar’s uitlatingen, ook al omdat zij deze onder druk leek te hebben gedaan. [105]Ex PVV’er en tot de Islam bekeerde Arnoud van Doorndeed nog een pittig-kritische duit in het zakje richtingKauthar. [106]En natuurlijk deed Geen Stijl om de eigen, giftige wijzeverslag van het bij islamitische organisaties levendeongenoegen over de uitlatingen van Kauthar. [107]
Genoemd moet en mag nog worden de solidariteitsverklaring [hier in Nederland] aan het adres van Kauthar, ondertekend door 120 organisaties. [108]
GEEN STIJL BEGON PAS!/VOORTZETTING HETZE”Het waait niet over, Jesse” [109]

GOED!/Er was eens Groen Links, die progressieveKauthar Bouchallikht, die haar sporen verdiend had inde klimaatbeweging [110] als nummer 9 op haarkandidatenlijst voor de Tweede Kamerverkiezingen zette, waarna een ware bagger van Geen Stijl en andereextreem-rechtse cluppies en ”publicisten” over het hoofd van Kauthar en Groen Links werd uitgestort. [111]Groen Links voorman Jesse Klaver liet zich verleiden tot een interview met Geen Stijl, dat meer weg had vaneen politie ondervraging [112], in dat kader mochtPVV’er ”baarmoeder”’Machiel de Graaf zijn giftige zegje doen.En Klaver reageerde uiterst slap op de Geen Stijl interrogation.Kauthar deed ook een duit in het zakje [113], maar maakte daarbij de fout zich te distancieren van moslimorganisaties, waar zij eerst WEL kwam [114], niet uitovertuiging, maar omdat zij zich door de extreem-rechtsters in een hoek had laten  drukken, wat weer deterechte verontwaardiging van betrokken organisatiesopwekte. [115]Je zou dus denken:Een Overwinningspuntje voor de extreem-rechtse hetzers en nu gaan we weer over tot de orde van de Dag?Niets was minder waar.Want Geen Stijl en aanverwanten bleken nog nietklaar te zijn met Kauthar en Groen Links……
NA DE ”MOSLIMBROEDERSCHAPHETZE”:THE PALESTINA DEMONSTRATION DRAMA
Als Geen Stijl en consorten in een Ding goed zijn, dan is het wel het vertellen van halve waarheden, het suggereren van zaken zonder ze expliciet te benoemen, het uit elkaar rukken van feiten en het blamen van anderen voor zaken, waarvoor zij nietverantwoordelijk zijn.En dat kwam allemaal samen in de aanwezigheid van Kauthar op een Palestina demonstratie in Den Haag,anno Domini 2014 [ja, wie echt wil hetzen, moet diep graven he, dames en heren van Geen Stijl!]U weet wel lezers, dat jaar waarin apartheids en bezettingsstaat Israel [116] zo leuk met de mensenrechten omsprong:Bij de 2014 aanval op Gaza heeft Israel zich dusschuldig gemaakt aan zware oorlogsmisdaden:In twee maanden tijd werden 1391 Palestijnse burgers gedood, waaronder 526 kinderen, een VN school werd gebombardeerd, een ziekenhuis beschoten [117], ik geloof, dat u zo wel een Beeld hebt.Een demonstratie tegen deze misdaden dus.En Kauthar is als progressieve strijdster tegen het onrecht logischerwijs begaan met Gaza, zoals ze schreef [118] en was dus bij die demonstratieaanwezig.Goed, dat was wat achtergrondinformatie:
Maar wat wordt Kauthar door Geen Stijl NU weerverweten:Welnu, dames en heren, dat zij op een Palestina demonstratie inDen Haag aanwezig was [2014 dus], waar enkele mensen met hakenkruisvlaggen liepen.NEEN, GEEN neo-nazi’s, maar mensen, die eenvergelijking trekken tussen het Israelische regime enNazi Duitsland. [119]Let wel:Het Israelische REGIME, de STAAT dus, en Nazi Duitsland, zoals te zien was aan de foto’s [120]En wat je daar ook van mag vinden [overeenkomstenzijn er, hoe pijnlijk het ook mag klinken, zeker, beiden bezettingsregimes, beiden schuldig aan massaslachtingen en foltering onder de burgerbevolking, het tot minderwaardig verklaren van groepen [121],.En alle hysterie ten spijt:Een uiting van antisemitisme zijn deze vlaggen per definitie  NIET, omdat het hier gaat om deoorlogs en bezettingspolitiek van een STAAT, NIET omde stigmatisering van Joden, van wie, trouwens, velen,het in het geheel niet eens zijn met de misdadige politiek van het Israelische apartheids en bezettingsregime. [122]Maar hoe je er ook over denkt, het is natuurlijk van de zotte iemand verdacht te maken en in een kwaad daglicht te stellen, louter en alleen omdat zij aanwezigis op een demonstratie waar, tussen de vele Palestijnsevlaggen, ook een aantal niet al te kiese vlaggen stondenmet een hakenkruissymbool.Ondergetekende heeft ook eens meegelopen in eenveelbesproken Palestina demonstratie in 2002,waarbij in de media een beeld geschapen werd, alsof er sprake was van anti-semitisme omdat enkele lieden met hakenkruissymbolen [die ik tussen al die tienduizenden mensen niet eens heb opgemerkt] rondliepen. [123]Ben ik dan daarvoor verantwoordelijk?ONZIN natuurlijk.Evenmin Kauthar, die alleen aan te spreken geweest was, als ze zelf met zo’n vlag had gelopen.Natuurlijk sloeg deze nieuwe Geen Stijl hetze tegen Kauthar bij bepaalde groepen en individuen aan, netzoals de ”Moslimbroederschap hetze” en werd erdoor Geen Stijl gelijkgevers over gepubliceerd. [124]

TWEEDE FOUT VAN KAUTHAR BOUCHALIKHT/EXCUSESIk heb geschreven over de eerste fout van Kauthar:Zich onder druk van de Geen Stijl/Weird Duk/Carel Brendel cs,distancieren van moslim organisaties als Mili Gorus [125]De Tweede Fout van Kauthar was welhaast NOG pijnlijker:In een aantal pathetische Tweets bood ze haar ”excuses” aanvoor haar aanwezigheid op de gewraakte Palestina demonstratievan 2014!Onder andere zegt ze:””De vergelijking tussen Israël en Nazi Duitsland is walgelijk. Ik verafschuw antisemitisme, het gaat in tegen alles waar ik voor sta.” [126]Ik heb hierboven al beschreven, dat ik niet inzie,waarom die vergelijking NIET gemaakt kan worden,omdat er, helaas, wel degelijk overeenkomsten zijn [127],en dat dit benoemen, niets met anti semitismete maken heeft.Maar daarover kun je van mening verschillen:Wat mij echter enorm stoort, is dat Kauthar excuses maakt voor iets waarvoor zij niet verantwoordelijk is.En als dat nog uit eigen beweging is, was dat Een Ding.Maar onder druk van een onfris cluppie als Geen Stijl?Dat zelf antisemitisch is en niet zo’n beetje ook?
HET ANTISEMITISME VAN GEEN STIJL
Geen Stijl viel haar dus hierop aan.Maar deze keer hadden ze hun hand overspeeld, wantals we over antisemitisme praten/schrijven, zijn het Geen Stijl en aanverwanten, die zich niet onbetuigd laten!IK CITEER GEEN STIJL VALSE DIAMANTEN[met dank aan Frontaal Naakt/Peter Breedveld,die mij op het spoor bracht]: [128]”De rijke en machtige Joden hebben van die lange tenen”Uit hun wrochtsel:”Zo. Begin 4 mei, tijd voor Dodenherdenking gezeik” [129]Een ander Voorbeeld:”Jank Joden van het Cidi [een nare pro Israel Club [130], maar het deugt niet, Joden als groep denigrerend neer te zetten”Uit het Geen Stijl Wrochtsel:”Hoera! Geen Stijl genoemd in Cidi rapport!” [131]Dit trouwens naar aanleiding van het feit, dat Geen Stijl genoemd werd in Cidi Rapport”Monitor antisemitische incidenten in Nederland  2013” [132]Over Geen Stijl wordt opgemerkt op bladzijde 34:”3 september 2013 GeenStijl9 publiceert op 3 september een artikel over PVDA-er Robbert Baruch. Het artikel gaat over de manier waarop Baruch Europarlementariër wil worden. Volgens GeenStijl niet een eerlijke..”En op bladzijde 35:” manier maar een ‘Jodenstreek’. ‘Dus wij weten dingen over de selfkicker Robbert Baruch, GSdoodsbedreiger en pleger van Jodenstreken.’ In een reactie aan de Joodse Omroep op de website laat Geenstijl weten: ‘Hallo (…). Klinkt ook een beetje alsof je boos bent om het stilistische gebruik van het archaïsche doch keurig Nederlandse woord ‘Jodenstreek’. Dat werd gebruikt om terug te verwijzen naar een historisch artikel over hoe Baruch GeenStijl er ooit bij probeerde te naaien op een manier die op zuivere wijze voldoet aan de betekenis van het woord ‘Jodenstreek’. (…) Taalnazi! Groetjes, Van Rossem.”’ [133]
Dat is dus duidelijke taal.Ik moet absoluut niets hebben van Cidi’s verdediging van het misdadigeIsraelische regime [134], maar daar gaat het hier niet om.Hier wordt het antisemitische karakter van Geen Stijl aan de orde gestelden ontmaskerd!Geen Stijl voorman Bart Nijman [135]  ”schittert” met naziachtige opmerkingen als ”Gierige Jood”  enJodenfooi” [136]Oja, en vlak ” Opportunistische Brood-Jood” [137] niet uit en een Gouwe Ouwe ”Jodenstreken” [138]Van notoir antisemitisme gesproken…..
ANNABEL, HET WORDT NIETS MET JOU ANNABEL[Een ironische Persiflage op het Liedje ”Het wordt niets zonder jou, Annabel]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p_2aZrqG1GE

HET ANTI SEMITISME VAN ANNABEL NANNINGA
Een Grapje tussendoor moet kunnen, juist als het Bittere Ernst is:Want naast de overduidelijk anti-semitische uitingen van Geen Stijlers zoalsBart Nijman was er nog een andere Geen Stijl columnist, Annabel Nanninga,voormalige voorvrouw van het fascistische Forum voor Democratie [139], hedenmede oprichter van de anti vluchtelingen en law and order uiterst Partei JA21 [140]En onze ”Annabel” ging zich te buiten aan de ene antisemitische opmerkingna de andere:Laat ik wat voor de Lezer citeren om een indruk te geven:[Annabel Nanninga]”Waar blijft @2525 trouwens met zijn HumorEinsatzgruppe Magnietenpistelop Jood.nl?Sorry! Joop.nl! # auschwitzen [141]”Gas geven, als je een Jood ziet, old habits die hard. #demjanjuk [142]”Krijg toch allemaal de klere. Word voor mijn part allemaal Jood#holocaustspektakel” [143]”Heil Hitler roepen is op zichzelf ook vol-komen- ongevaarlijk. [144]Maar deze Dame heeft meer op haar Conto:Zo geniet ze kennelijk van vergassingen:Neen, dat verzin ik NIETIn een kennelijke Tweet discussie bracht zij te berde:”Rot ff  op @ FransTraas,moraalridders, die was Hitler vergeten in die mooie ovens van ‘m [145]Schokkend ja, iedere keer als ik het lees, moet ik er weereven van bijkomen…..Ook heeft zij kennelijk een grote hekel aan Dodenherdenking:Daarover merkte zij op:”Wat zijn jullie stil, is er iemand dood ofzo? [146]Deze zelfde Annabel Nanninga bestond het dan nog, om ineen Geen Stijl Column mensen als dieren aan te duiden en Ebolaals een plausibele oplossing voor de vluchtelingencrisis te promoten.Zie noot 147
Neo nazi opvattingen

EN WAT DOET GEEN STIJL?Terwijl dit light fascistische, extreem-rechtse medium de eneanti-semitische opmerking na de andere maakt, verwijten zeeen Groen Links kandidate, die terecht en legitiem protesteert tegende misdadige Israelische terreur in Gaza [148], dat ze op een demonstratieaanwezig was, waar een aantal mensen die Israelische terreur metNazi Duitsland vergeleken [149], waarvoor, zoals ik al had opgemerkt,voor een deel best wat voor te zeggen is! 
En wat heeft Kauthar dan wel helemaal gedaan?Liep zij met zo’n Vlag of Spandoek.Neen, ze was op zo’n demonstratie aanwezig.
Vlieg toch op Geen Stijl en onderzoek jullie eigen ECHTE antisemitisme! 
En trouwens pro Israel Club het Cidi, dat er altijd als de Kippen bij isom Palestina activisten en verzetsorganisaties van anti semitisme tebeschuldigen, terwijl ze zich in werkelijkheid terecht keren tegen demisdadige Israelische bezetting [150], was en is opvallend zwijgzaamover het anti-semitisme van Annabel Nanninga en haar voormaligeForum voor Democratie trawanten.Waarom:Omdat deze extreem-rechtse cluppies bezettingsstaat Israel verdedigen endat is voor het Cidi kennelijk belangrijker dan het virulente anti-semitismebij deze fascisten. [151]
En ondertussen geeft het ECHT anti-semitische Geen Stijl niet op enblijft maar zeuren en hetzen richting Kauthar Bouchallikht en de Wereld lastigvallen over haar aanwezigheid op de genoemde en gewraakte demonstratie tegen Israel’s zoveelste terreur in Gaza. [152]Waarover je Geen Stijl NATUURLIJK niet hoort…..

EPILOOGLINKS, ZWICHT NIET!
Antisemitisch, Islamofoob en extreem-rechts medium Geen Stijl entrawanten hebben er in november/december een Heilige Levenstaakvan gemaakt om een frisse, progressieve Groen Links Tweede Kamer kandidate, Kauthar  Bouchallikht en Groen Links fractieleider Jesse Klaver zo in een hoekte drijven, dat ze bijna smekend en stotterend zich tegenover deze rechtseSchoeljes gingen verdedigen, in plaats van ferm en principieel hun principeste verdedigen.Wat ik Jesse Klaver verwijt is dat hij uberhaupt een dergelijke vunzige Clubte woord heeft gestaan, die hem in een interview attaqueerde alsof hijeen misdadiger was.Ook verwijt ik hem [lees bovenstaande maar over] dat hij Kauthar te halfslachtigheeft verdedigd.
Maar ook Kauthar verwijt ik zo een en ander.Na aanvankelijk gezwegen te hebben [dat had ze moeten volhouden],capituleerde zij direct voor dir RechtsTuig, door de verklaren Milli Gorus[Turks Islamitische organisatie] niet meer te bezoeken.Dat zij daarvoor kiest is een Ding.Maar NIET op instigatie van Schoeljes als Geen Stijl, Carel Brendelen Weird Duk [lees in bovenstaande over hen]Weird Duk, die de hetze tegen Kauthar naar de essentie bracht:De heren Islamofoben willen gewoon geen vrouw met een hoofddoekin de Tweede Kamer! [153]
Het meest nam ik Kauthar nog kwalijk haar belachelijke excuses voor dedeelname aan een Palestina demonstratie, omdat anderen vlaggen methakenkruizen [vergelijking Israel-Nazi Duitsland] droegen. Dus excuses aanbieden voor iets, dat je niet hebt gedaan.
EEN DING MOET LINKS WEER LEREN:Voor fascisten en hun mantelorganisaties is het nooit genoeg.Zwicht je eenmaal voor hun hetze terreur, dan gaan ze door en door!
Het is erg genoeg, dat fascistenclubs als PVV en Forum voor Democratiesteeds meer genormaliseerd worden:Het laatste wat zich nog links en progressief noemt, moet doen, isvoor hen zwichten, excuses gaan aanbieden voor dingen, die niet zijngedaan en sowieso met hen praten en verkeren.
Mijn Boodschap aan Links is:Er is maar EEN contact met fascisten en hun trawanten
Dat is de strijd.Niet het Gesprek.
Dat Station zijn we gepasseerd.
Ik hoop dat Jesse Klaver en Kauthar hiervan geleerd hebben enweer met ruggegraat gaan staan voor hun principes.
De volgende Vier Jaar zal de strijd tegen het fascisme meer dan nodig zijn

ASTRID ESSED
NOTEN 1 T/M 30

NOTEN 31 T/M 60
https://www.astridessed.nl/noten-31-t-m-60-bij-extreem-rechtse-hetze-tegen-kauthar-bouchallikht-en-de-slapheid-van-links/

NOTEN 61 T/M 80
https://www.astridessed.nl/noten-61-t-m-80-bij-extreem-rechtse-hetze-tegen-kauthar-bouchallikht-en-de-slapheid-van-links/

NOTEN 81 T/M 100
https://www.astridessed.nl/noten-81-t-m-100-bij-extreem-rechtse-hetze-tegen-kauthar-bouchallikht-en-de-slapheid-van-links/

NOTEN 101 T/M 125
https://www.astridessed.nl/noten-101-t-m-125-bij-extreem-rechtse-hetze-tegen-kauthar-bouchallikht-en-de-slapheid-van-links/

NOTEN 126 T/M 130

NOTEN 131 T/M 153
https://www.astridessed.nl/noten-131-t-m-153-bij-extreem-rechtse-hetze-tegen-kauthar-bouchallikht-en-de-slapheid-van-links/

EINDE NOTENAPPARAAT

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor EXTREEM-RECHTSE HETZE TEGEN KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHT EN DE SLAPHEID VAN LINKS

Opgeslagen onder Divers

Artikel Frontaal Naakt [Peter Breedveld]/De spijtbetuiging van Kauthar Bouchallikht is onnodig

DE SPIJTBETUIGING VAN KAUTHAR BOUCHALLIKHT IS ONNODIGPETER BREEDVELD9 DECEMBER 2020
[Dit zeer informatieve artikel van Peter Breedveld post ik, voorafgaandaan mijn binnenkort te verschijnen stuk]
https://www.frontaalnaakt.nl/archives/de-spijtbetuiging-van-kauthar-bouchallikht-is-onnodig.html

Er zal en mag geen moslima met een hoofddoek in de Tweede Kamer en daarom blijft Domrechts zoeken naar “bewijs” dat GroenLinks-kandidaat Kauthar Bouchallikht niet deugt. Dat ze van de Moslimbroederschap zou zijn, is al wel duizend keer overtuigend weerlegd, maar bij GeenStijl hebben ze weer wat nieuws gevonden: Bouchallikht liep in 2014 mee op een demonstratie tegen Israel, waar ook een spandoek met een hakenkruis was gesignaleerd, waarop Israël met Nazi-Duitsland werd vergeleken.

Dat is GeenStijl, “de rijke en machtige Joden hebben van die lange tenen“-GeenStijl, “Jank-Joden“-GeenStijl, “Gierige Jood“-GeenStijl, “Brood-Jood“-GeenStijl, “Jodenstreken“-GeenStijl, “Waar is Hamas als je ze nodig hebt“-GeenStijl. Dat meent iets te mogen zeggen over een jonge vrouw die zes jaar geleden op een demonstratie liep, waar andere deelnemers met een antisemitisch spandoek zeulden.

Mooie ovens

Bouchallikht heeft meteen spijt betuigd, wat mij betreft onnodig. Ze protesteerde tegen het dodelijke Israelische geweld tegen Gaza en is niet verantwoordelijk voor de domme uitingen van andere mensen. Daarbij: er zit een senator in de Eerste Kamer die het jammer vindt dat de mooie ovens van Hitler niet meer in gebruik zijn. Dat is Annabel Nanninga, die vorige week door de voltallige media op het schild werd getild als redelijk alternatief voor Thierry Baudet, dus echt, hou je bek over een spandoek.

Op demonstraties tegen Israëlische mensenrechtenschendingen lopen altijd een paar onverlaten antisemitische leuzen te schreeuwen, en daar omheen lopen altijd journalisten die specifiek dáár naar op zoek zijn, met het doel iedereen die op die demonstratie meeliep, te brandmerken als antisemiet en het doel dáárvan is weer om alle kritiek op Israël te verstommen. Mede om die reden loop ik nooit mee met een demonstratie (een keer als verslaggever, en verdomd als er niet ook een paar in het zwart geklede, gemaskerde relschoppers opdoken), maar we gaan het een 20-jarige student haar naïviteit niet kwalijk nemen, zeker niet omdat haar motivatie om mee te doen legitiem en zuiver was.

Gewoon gezellig

Maar Bouchallikht draagt een hoofddoek, en dus moet ze kapot. Dus kopt de NOS dat Bouchallikht meeliep met een “antisemitisch protest”. Ik schreef al, de publieke omroep heeft echt een tyfushekel aan allochtonen die niet gewoon gezellig meedoen met de boze witte Nederlanders. Wie schetst mijn verbazing als de Voormalige Nazikrant genuanceerder bericht dan de NOS, door te schrijven dat Bouchallikht meeliep op een ‘demonstratie waar antisemitische leuzen werden meegedragen’.

Vergelijkingen van Israël met Nazi-Duitsland zijn stuitend, maar tot niet zo heel lang geleden niet zo ongewoon. Ik herinner me heel specifiek een column in De Telegraaf, van de in de jaren tachtig razend populaire Leo Derksen, die zoiets schreef als “de slachtoffers blijken voorbeeldige leerlingen van hun beulen”. Dat was naar aanleiding van een filmpje in het NOS Journaal, waarop te zien was hoe Israëlische soldaten een Palestijnse jongen tegen een rots drukten en zijn botten braken door er met een grote steen op te slaan. Ik heb nog gegoogeld om te zien of die bewuste column van Derksen toevallig ergens online staat, maar zonder succes.

Inktspotprijs

De door iedereen bewierookte cartoonist Willem Holtrop, overlevende van de slachtpartij door islamisten bij Charlie Hebdowon in 2007 de Inktspotprijs met een cartoon waarop Gaza werd verbeeld als een Israëlisch concentratiekamp. “Dit werk toont lef”, zei juryvoorzitter Staf Depla.

Vergelijkingen van Israël met Nazi-Duitsland waren nooit een probleem. Totdat niet-witte mensen ermee begonnen. Ik vroeg Ronny Naftaniel eens naar die cartoon van Holtrop, toen hij drukte maakte over de BDS-acties, en over iemand die de Israëlische nederzettingen met Nazi-concentratiekampen vergeleek.

Krekels.

EINDE ARTIKEL

Reacties uitgeschakeld voor Artikel Frontaal Naakt [Peter Breedveld]/De spijtbetuiging van Kauthar Bouchallikht is onnodig

Opgeslagen onder Divers