Noten 57 t/m 61/Israel raast en tiert!

[57]
ZIE NOTEN 51 T/M 56
[58]
WIKIPEDIA
JEWISH NATIONAL FUND
”JNF is a nonprofit organization and United Nations NGO (non-governmental organization) that gives all generations of Jews a unique voice in building a prosperous future for the land of Israel and its people. JNF began in 1901 as a dream and vision to reestablish a homeland in Israel for Jewish people everywhere. Jews the world over collected coins in iconic JNF Blue Boxes, purchasing land and planting trees until ultimately, their dream of a Jewish homeland was a reality.

 

Today, JNF embodies both heart and action; our work is varied in scope but singular in benefit. In recent years, JNF has delivered on its bold and unprecedented vision in the One Billion Dollar Roadmap for the Next Decade, an innovative plan for Israel’s future. JNF’s Blueprint Negev initiative has transformed Israel’s Negev Desert, making the Southern Israel an attractive place to live and work. Similarly, Go North initiative has begun to provide new economic development opportunities to grow tourism, increase employment, offer educational and housing options and make Israel’s north a desirable place to both visit and live.

 

JNF remains unique among Jewish charities as its long-term vision has grown to include building new communities in the desert, expanding the scope of river rehabilitation and water research, exploring energy production, increasing population in northern Israel, making all parks and playgrounds accessible to people with special needs, bringing thousands of people to Israel every year on missions and trips, and growing future leadership in our youth community through the Alexander Muss High School in Israel and Zionist education and advocacy programs.

 

WHAT WE DO

JNF strives to bring an enhanced quality of life to all of Israel’s residents and translate these advancements to the world beyond. JNF is “greening” the desert with millions of trees, building thousands of parks across Israel, creating new communities and cities for generations of Israelis to call home, bolstering Israel’s water supply, helping develop innovative arid agriculture techniques and educating both young and old about the founding and importance of Israel and Zionism. JNF is the single largest provider of Zionist programs in the U.S. Its work is divided into seven program areas: Forestry & Green Innovations, Water Solutions, Community Building, Zionist Education & Advocacy, Research & Development, Heritage Sites, and Disabilities & Special Needs.

 

SINCE 1901, JNF HAS:

• Planted more than 250 million trees

• Built over 250 reservoirs and dams

• Developed over 250,000 acres of land

• Created more than 2,000 parks

• Provided the infrastructure for over 1,000 communities

• Connected thousands of children and young adults to Israel and their heritage

 

JNF prides itself on honoring the pioneers of the past and celebrating their spirit by continuing the pioneering tradition in the areas of technology, environmental progress, community development, water renewal and building the land of Israel for many years to come.

 

JNF affirms the bonds of the Jewish family with their strength of unity, the understanding that each member can make a difference and the collective power to build prosperity, develop innovative solutions and promote the greater good.

 

OUR CREDENTIALS & PARTNERSHIPS

A registered 501(c)(3) organization, Jewish National Fund is recognized as a 4-star organization by Charity Navigator, America’s leading independent charity evaluator, for its sound fiscal management, accountability, and transparency. JNF has also been rated a top charity by the American Institute of Philanthropy and meets the 20 rigorous standards of the Better Business Bureau (BBB) Wise Giving Alliance, and the transparency standards of Tzedakah, Inc. No other Jewish organization meets all these standards.

 

HOW YOU CAN HELP

JNF believes in the endurance and prosperity of the Israeli homeland, the defense, and enrichment of its soil, the rejuvenation of its deserts and the security of its people. JNF’s mission is the invention of tomorrow. When you donate to JNF you become an integral part of Israel’s future and, in turn, play a role in whole-world growth.

 

JNF directs every dollar to where it is needed most and provides donors with the ability to know what they are supporting with full transparency. Donors are able to direct their support to fund program areas and projects specific to their passions and interests. Focused efforts within these areas include: alleviating Israel’s water shortage; promoting education; maintaining more than 250,000 acres of forests; providing safety equipment and new trucks for Israeli firefighters; building playgrounds, synagogues and day care centers; providing affordable housing solutions for young families, immigrants, seniors and Israelis leaving military service; offering therapeutic and rehabilitative services to people with special needs; and promoting tourism and recreation experiences and economic growth by creating parks, forest and recreation areas and preserving and developing historic sites.

ABOUT JEWISH NATIONAL FUND

https://www.jnf.org/about-jnf

[59]

”Met de financiële middelen van zowel het internationaal opererende Joods Nationaal Fonds als van vermogende zionistische joden in Europa en de Verenigde Staten kon in Palestina van grootgrondbezitters grond aangekocht worden, die vervolgens door joodse kolonisten werd bewerkt.”

NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 41
[60]
WIKIPEDIA
JEWISH LAND PURCHASE IN PALESTINE
” Met de financiële middelen van zowel het internationaal opererende Joods Nationaal Fonds als van vermogende zionistische joden in Europa en de Verenigde Staten kon in Palestina van grootgrondbezitters grond aangekocht worden, die vervolgens door joodse kolonisten werd bewerkt. Palestijnse pachters moesten daarbij het veld ruimen.”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE ARTIKEL, NOOT 41
[61]
””Maakten joodse kolonisten in 1919 met 66.000 personen al zo’n 10 procent van de bevolking uit – vestiging in Palestina was vanaf eind 19e eeuw in gang gezet – in 1929 was hun aantal ruim verdubbeld tot 156.000 (16 procent). Zeven jaar later was er opnieuw sprake van ruim een verdubbeling tot 370.000 (27 procent)”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 41

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[55]
”Voor de Palestijnen betekende de Britse instemming met de plannen van de Zionistische Beweging ten aanzien van Palestina een zware slag. Door in de preambule en in Artikel 2 van het Mandaatprotocol te stellen dat de Britse Mandataris verantwoordelijk zou zijn voor het implementeren van wat eerder in de Balfour Declaration aan de Zionistische Beweging was toegezegd, gaf ook de door Westerse staten (waaronder – op het verslagen Duitsland na – alle West-Europese staten) gedomineerde Volkerenbond zijn zegen aan het zionistische project in Palestina.”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 41
[56]
ZIE NOOT 55

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Noot 54/Israel raast en tiert!

‘[54]
”To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League.

The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances.

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.”

ARTICLE 22, THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/leagcov.asp#art22

ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 52

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[53]

The Council of the League of Nations:

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country; and

Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and

Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval; and

Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of Palestine and undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in conformity with the following provisions; and

Whereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League Of Nations;

confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as follows:”

………

………

ART. 2.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.

THE PALESTINE MANDATE

https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/Palmanda.Asp

The Council of the League of Nations:

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country; and

Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and

Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval; and

Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of Palestine and undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in conformity with the following provisions; and

Whereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League Of Nations;

confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as follows:

ARTICLE 1.

The Mandatory shall have full powers of legislation and of administration, save as they may be limited by the terms of this mandate.

ART. 2.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.

ART. 3.

The Mandatory shall, so far as circumstances permit, encourage local autonomy.

ART. 4.

An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognised as a public body for the purpose of advising and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, and, subject always to the control of the Administration to assist and take part in the development of the country.

The Zionist organization, so long as its organization and constitution are in the opinion of the Mandatory appropriate, shall be recognised as such agency. It shall take steps in consultation with His Britannic Majesty’s Government to secure the co-operation of all Jews who are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish national home.

ART. 5.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign Power.

ART. 6.

The Administration of Palestine, while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions and shall encourage, in co-operation with the Jewish agency referred to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.

ART. 7.

The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine.

ART. 8.

The privileges and immunities of foreigners, including the benefits of consular jurisdiction and protection as formerly enjoyed by Capitulation or usage in the Ottoman Empire, shall not be applicable in Palestine.

Unless the Powers whose nationals enjoyed the afore-mentioned privileges and immunities on August 1st, 1914, shall have previously renounced the right to their re-establishment, or shall have agreed to their non-application for a specified period, these privileges and immunities shall, at the expiration of the mandate, be immediately reestablished in their entirety or with such modifications as may have been agreed upon between the Powers concerned.

ART. 9.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that the judicial system established in Palestine shall assure to foreigners, as well as to natives, a complete guarantee of their rights.

Respect for the personal status of the various peoples and communities and for their religious interests shall be fully guaranteed. In particular, the control and administration of Wakfs shall be exercised in accordance with religious law and the dispositions of the founders.

ART. 10.

Pending the making of special extradition agreements relating to Palestine, the extradition treaties in force between the Mandatory and other foreign Powers shall apply to Palestine.

ART. 11.

The Administration of Palestine shall take all necessary measures to safeguard the interests of the community in connection with the development of the country, and, subject to any international obligations accepted by the Mandatory, shall have full power to provide for public ownership or control of any of the natural resources of the country or of the public works, services and utilities established or to be established therein. It shall introduce a land system appropriate to the needs of the country, having regard, among other things, to the desirability of promoting the close settlement and intensive cultivation of the land.

The Administration may arrange with the Jewish agency mentioned in Article 4 to construct or operate, upon fair and equitable terms, any public works, services and utilities, and to develop any of the natural resources of the country, in so far as these matters are not directly undertaken by the Administration. Any such arrangements shall provide that no profits distributed by such agency, directly or indirectly, shall exceed a reasonable rate of interest on the capital, and any further profits shall be utilised by it for the benefit of the country in a manner approved by the Administration.

ART. 12.

The Mandatory shall be entrusted with the control of the foreign relations of Palestine and the right to issue exequaturs to consuls appointed by foreign Powers. He shall also be entitled to afford diplomatic and consular protection to citizens of Palestine when outside its territorial limits.

ART. 13.

All responsibility in connection with the Holy Places and religious buildings or sites in Palestine, including that of preserving existing rights and of securing free access to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites and the free exercise of worship, while ensuring the requirements of public order and decorum, is assumed by the Mandatory, who shall be responsible solely to the League of Nations in all matters connected herewith, provided that nothing in this article shall prevent the Mandatory from entering into such arrangements as he may deem reasonable with the Administration for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this article into effect; and provided also that nothing in this mandate shall be construed as conferring upon the Mandatory authority to interfere with the fabric or the management of purely Moslem sacred shrines, the immunities of which are guaranteed.

ART. 14.

A special commission shall be appointed by the Mandatory to study, define and determine the rights and claims in connection with the Holy Places and the rights and claims relating to the different religious communities in Palestine. The method of nomination, the composition and the functions of this Commission shall be submitted to the Council of the League for its approval, and the Commission shall not be appointed or enter upon its functions without the approval of the Council.

ART. 15.

The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief.

The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose, shall not be denied or impaired.

ART. 16.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for exercising such supervision over religious or eleemosynary bodies of all faiths in Palestine as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government. Subject to such supervision, no measures shall be taken in Palestine to obstruct or interfere with the enterprise of such bodies or to discriminate against any representative or member of them on the ground of his religion or nationality.

ART. 17.

The Administration of Palestine may organist on a voluntary basis the forces necessary for the preservation of peace and order, and also for the defence of the country, subject, however, to the supervision of the Mandatory, but shall not use them for purposes other than those above specified save with the consent of the Mandatory. Except for such purposes, no military, naval or air forces shall be raised or maintained by the Administration of Palestine.

Nothing in this article shall preclude the Administration of Palestine from contributing to the cost of the maintenance of the forces of the Mandatory in Palestine.

The Mandatory shall be entitled at all times to use the roads, railways and ports of Palestine for the movement of armed forces and the carriage of fuel and supplies.

ART. 18.

The Mandatory shall see that there is no discrimination in Palestine against the nationals of any State Member of the League of Nations (including companies incorporated under its laws) as compared with those of the Mandatory or of any foreign State in matters concerning taxation, commerce or navigation, the exercise of industries or professions, or in the treatment of merchant vessels or civil aircraft. Similarly, there shall be no discrimination in Palestine against goods originating in or destined for any of the said States, and there shall be freedom of transit under equitable conditions across the mandated area.

Subject as aforesaid and to the other provisions of this mandate, the Administration of Palestine may, on the advice of the Mandatory, impose such taxes and customs duties as it may consider necessary, and take such steps as it may think best to promote the development of the natural resources of the country and to safeguard the interests of the population. It may also, on the advice of the Mandatory, conclude a special customs agreement with any State the territory of which in 1914 was wholly included in Asiatic Turkey or Arabia.

ART. 19.

The Mandatory shall adhere on behalf of the Administration of Palestine to any general international conventions already existing, or which may be concluded hereafter with the approval of the League of Nations, respecting the slave traffic, the traffic in arms and ammunition, or the traffic in drugs, or relating to commercial equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation and postal, telegraphic and wireless communication or literary, artistic or industrial property.

ART. 20.

The Mandatory shall co-operate on behalf of the Administration of Palestine, so far as religious, social and other conditions may permit, in the execution of any common policy adopted by the League of Nations for preventing and combating disease, including diseases of plants and animals.

ART. 21.

The Mandatory shall secure the enactment within twelve months from this date, and shall ensure the execution of a Law of Antiquities based on the following rules. This law shall ensure equality of treatment in the matter of excavations and archaeological research to the nationals of all States Members of the League of Nations.

(1) “Antiquity” means any construction or any product of human activity earlier than the year 1700 A. D.

(2) The law for the protection of antiquities shall proceed by encouragement rather than by threat.

Any person who, having discovered an antiquity without being furnished with the authorization referred to in paragraph 5, reports the same to an official of the competent Department, shall be rewarded according to the value of the discovery.

(3) No antiquity may be disposed of except to the competent Department, unless this Department renounces the acquisition of any such antiquity.

No antiquity may leave the country without an export licence from the said Department.

(4) Any person who maliciously or negligently destroys or damages an antiquity shall be liable to a penalty to be fixed.

(5) No clearing of ground or digging with the object of finding antiquities shall be permitted, under penalty of fine, except to persons authorised by the competent Department.

(6) Equitable terms shall be fixed for expropriation, temporary or permanent, of lands which might be of historical or archaeological interest.

(7) Authorization to excavate shall only be granted to persons who show sufficient guarantees of archaeological experience. The Administration of Palestine shall not, in granting these authorizations, act in such a way as to exclude scholars of any nation without good grounds.

(8) The proceeds of excavations may be divided between the excavator and the competent Department in a proportion fixed by that Department. If division seems impossible for scientific reasons, the excavator shall receive a fair indemnity in lieu of a part of the find.

ART. 22.

English, Arabic and Hebrew shall be the official languages of Palestine. Any statement or inscription in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall be repeated in Hebrew and any statement or inscription in Hebrew shall be repeated in Arabic.

ART. 23.

The Administration of Palestine shall recognise the holy days of the respective communities in Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such communities.

ART. 24.

The Mandatory shall make to the Council of the League of Nations an annual report to the satisfaction of the Council as to the measures taken during the year to carry out the provisions of the mandate. Copies of all laws and regulations promulgated or issued during the year shall be communicated with the report.

ART. 25.

In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions, provided that no action shall be taken which is inconsistent with the provisions of Articles 1516 and 18.

ART. 26.

The Mandatory agrees that, if any dispute whatever should arise between the Mandatory and another member of the League of Nations relating to the interpretation or the application of the provisions of the mandate, such dispute, if it cannot be settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for by Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.

ART. 27.

The consent of the Council of the League of Nations is required for any modification of the terms of this mandate.

ART. 28.

In the event of the termination of the mandate hereby conferred upon the Mandatory, the Council of the League of Nations shall make such arrangements as may be deemed necessary for safeguarding in perpetuity, under guarantee of the League, the rights secured by Articles 13 and 14, and shall use its influence for securing, under the guarantee of the League, that the Government of Palestine will fully honour the financial obligations legitimately incurred by the Administration of Palestine during the period of the mandate, including the rights of public servants to pensions or gratuities.

The present instrument shall be deposited in original in the archives of the League of Nations and certified copies shall be forwarded by the Secretary-General of the League of Nations to all members of the League.

Done at London the twenty-fourth day of July, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two.

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[50]
ZIE VOOR GEHELE ARTIKEL, NOOT 40
[51]
WIKIPEDIA
MANDATE FOR PALESTINE
WIKIPEDIA
BALFOUR DECLARATION
THE PALESTINE MANDATE

The Council of the League of Nations:

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917, by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country; and

Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and

Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and

Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval; and

Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of Palestine and undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in conformity with the following provisions; and

Whereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League Of Nations;

confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as follows:

ARTICLE 1.

The Mandatory shall have full powers of legislation and of administration, save as they may be limited by the terms of this mandate.

ART. 2.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.

ART. 3.

The Mandatory shall, so far as circumstances permit, encourage local autonomy.

ART. 4.

An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognised as a public body for the purpose of advising and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, and, subject always to the control of the Administration to assist and take part in the development of the country.

The Zionist organization, so long as its organization and constitution are in the opinion of the Mandatory appropriate, shall be recognised as such agency. It shall take steps in consultation with His Britannic Majesty’s Government to secure the co-operation of all Jews who are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish national home.

ART. 5.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign Power.

ART. 6.

The Administration of Palestine, while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions and shall encourage, in co-operation with the Jewish agency referred to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.

ART. 7.

The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine.

ART. 8.

The privileges and immunities of foreigners, including the benefits of consular jurisdiction and protection as formerly enjoyed by Capitulation or usage in the Ottoman Empire, shall not be applicable in Palestine.

Unless the Powers whose nationals enjoyed the afore-mentioned privileges and immunities on August 1st, 1914, shall have previously renounced the right to their re-establishment, or shall have agreed to their non-application for a specified period, these privileges and immunities shall, at the expiration of the mandate, be immediately reestablished in their entirety or with such modifications as may have been agreed upon between the Powers concerned.

ART. 9.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for seeing that the judicial system established in Palestine shall assure to foreigners, as well as to natives, a complete guarantee of their rights.

Respect for the personal status of the various peoples and communities and for their religious interests shall be fully guaranteed. In particular, the control and administration of Wakfs shall be exercised in accordance with religious law and the dispositions of the founders.

ART. 10.

Pending the making of special extradition agreements relating to Palestine, the extradition treaties in force between the Mandatory and other foreign Powers shall apply to Palestine.

ART. 11.

The Administration of Palestine shall take all necessary measures to safeguard the interests of the community in connection with the development of the country, and, subject to any international obligations accepted by the Mandatory, shall have full power to provide for public ownership or control of any of the natural resources of the country or of the public works, services and utilities established or to be established therein. It shall introduce a land system appropriate to the needs of the country, having regard, among other things, to the desirability of promoting the close settlement and intensive cultivation of the land.

The Administration may arrange with the Jewish agency mentioned in Article 4 to construct or operate, upon fair and equitable terms, any public works, services and utilities, and to develop any of the natural resources of the country, in so far as these matters are not directly undertaken by the Administration. Any such arrangements shall provide that no profits distributed by such agency, directly or indirectly, shall exceed a reasonable rate of interest on the capital, and any further profits shall be utilised by it for the benefit of the country in a manner approved by the Administration.

ART. 12.

The Mandatory shall be entrusted with the control of the foreign relations of Palestine and the right to issue exequaturs to consuls appointed by foreign Powers. He shall also be entitled to afford diplomatic and consular protection to citizens of Palestine when outside its territorial limits.

ART. 13.

All responsibility in connection with the Holy Places and religious buildings or sites in Palestine, including that of preserving existing rights and of securing free access to the Holy Places, religious buildings and sites and the free exercise of worship, while ensuring the requirements of public order and decorum, is assumed by the Mandatory, who shall be responsible solely to the League of Nations in all matters connected herewith, provided that nothing in this article shall prevent the Mandatory from entering into such arrangements as he may deem reasonable with the Administration for the purpose of carrying the provisions of this article into effect; and provided also that nothing in this mandate shall be construed as conferring upon the Mandatory authority to interfere with the fabric or the management of purely Moslem sacred shrines, the immunities of which are guaranteed.

ART. 14.

A special commission shall be appointed by the Mandatory to study, define and determine the rights and claims in connection with the Holy Places and the rights and claims relating to the different religious communities in Palestine. The method of nomination, the composition and the functions of this Commission shall be submitted to the Council of the League for its approval, and the Commission shall not be appointed or enter upon its functions without the approval of the Council.

ART. 15.

The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sole ground of his religious belief.

The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose, shall not be denied or impaired.

ART. 16.

The Mandatory shall be responsible for exercising such supervision over religious or eleemosynary bodies of all faiths in Palestine as may be required for the maintenance of public order and good government. Subject to such supervision, no measures shall be taken in Palestine to obstruct or interfere with the enterprise of such bodies or to discriminate against any representative or member of them on the ground of his religion or nationality.

ART. 17.

The Administration of Palestine may organist on a voluntary basis the forces necessary for the preservation of peace and order, and also for the defence of the country, subject, however, to the supervision of the Mandatory, but shall not use them for purposes other than those above specified save with the consent of the Mandatory. Except for such purposes, no military, naval or air forces shall be raised or maintained by the Administration of Palestine.

Nothing in this article shall preclude the Administration of Palestine from contributing to the cost of the maintenance of the forces of the Mandatory in Palestine.

The Mandatory shall be entitled at all times to use the roads, railways and ports of Palestine for the movement of armed forces and the carriage of fuel and supplies.

ART. 18.

The Mandatory shall see that there is no discrimination in Palestine against the nationals of any State Member of the League of Nations (including companies incorporated under its laws) as compared with those of the Mandatory or of any foreign State in matters concerning taxation, commerce or navigation, the exercise of industries or professions, or in the treatment of merchant vessels or civil aircraft. Similarly, there shall be no discrimination in Palestine against goods originating in or destined for any of the said States, and there shall be freedom of transit under equitable conditions across the mandated area.

Subject as aforesaid and to the other provisions of this mandate, the Administration of Palestine may, on the advice of the Mandatory, impose such taxes and customs duties as it may consider necessary, and take such steps as it may think best to promote the development of the natural resources of the country and to safeguard the interests of the population. It may also, on the advice of the Mandatory, conclude a special customs agreement with any State the territory of which in 1914 was wholly included in Asiatic Turkey or Arabia.

ART. 19.

The Mandatory shall adhere on behalf of the Administration of Palestine to any general international conventions already existing, or which may be concluded hereafter with the approval of the League of Nations, respecting the slave traffic, the traffic in arms and ammunition, or the traffic in drugs, or relating to commercial equality, freedom of transit and navigation, aerial navigation and postal, telegraphic and wireless communication or literary, artistic or industrial property.

ART. 20.

The Mandatory shall co-operate on behalf of the Administration of Palestine, so far as religious, social and other conditions may permit, in the execution of any common policy adopted by the League of Nations for preventing and combating disease, including diseases of plants and animals.

ART. 21.

The Mandatory shall secure the enactment within twelve months from this date, and shall ensure the execution of a Law of Antiquities based on the following rules. This law shall ensure equality of treatment in the matter of excavations and archaeological research to the nationals of all States Members of the League of Nations.

(1) “Antiquity” means any construction or any product of human activity earlier than the year 1700 A. D.

(2) The law for the protection of antiquities shall proceed by encouragement rather than by threat.

Any person who, having discovered an antiquity without being furnished with the authorization referred to in paragraph 5, reports the same to an official of the competent Department, shall be rewarded according to the value of the discovery.

(3) No antiquity may be disposed of except to the competent Department, unless this Department renounces the acquisition of any such antiquity.

No antiquity may leave the country without an export licence from the said Department.

(4) Any person who maliciously or negligently destroys or damages an antiquity shall be liable to a penalty to be fixed.

(5) No clearing of ground or digging with the object of finding antiquities shall be permitted, under penalty of fine, except to persons authorised by the competent Department.

(6) Equitable terms shall be fixed for expropriation, temporary or permanent, of lands which might be of historical or archaeological interest.

(7) Authorization to excavate shall only be granted to persons who show sufficient guarantees of archaeological experience. The Administration of Palestine shall not, in granting these authorizations, act in such a way as to exclude scholars of any nation without good grounds.

(8) The proceeds of excavations may be divided between the excavator and the competent Department in a proportion fixed by that Department. If division seems impossible for scientific reasons, the excavator shall receive a fair indemnity in lieu of a part of the find.

ART. 22.

English, Arabic and Hebrew shall be the official languages of Palestine. Any statement or inscription in Arabic on stamps or money in Palestine shall be repeated in Hebrew and any statement or inscription in Hebrew shall be repeated in Arabic.

ART. 23.

The Administration of Palestine shall recognise the holy days of the respective communities in Palestine as legal days of rest for the members of such communities.

ART. 24.

The Mandatory shall make to the Council of the League of Nations an annual report to the satisfaction of the Council as to the measures taken during the year to carry out the provisions of the mandate. Copies of all laws and regulations promulgated or issued during the year shall be communicated with the report.

ART. 25.

In the territories lying between the Jordan and the eastern boundary of Palestine as ultimately determined, the Mandatory shall be entitled, with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, to postpone or withhold application of such provisions of this mandate as he may consider inapplicable to the existing local conditions, and to make such provision for the administration of the territories as he may consider suitable to those conditions, provided that no action shall be taken which is inconsistent with the provisions of Articles 1516 and 18.

ART. 26.

The Mandatory agrees that, if any dispute whatever should arise between the Mandatory and another member of the League of Nations relating to the interpretation or the application of the provisions of the mandate, such dispute, if it cannot be settled by negotiation, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of International Justice provided for by Article 14 of the Covenant of the League of Nations.

ART. 27.

The consent of the Council of the League of Nations is required for any modification of the terms of this mandate.

ART. 28.

In the event of the termination of the mandate hereby conferred upon the Mandatory, the Council of the League of Nations shall make such arrangements as may be deemed necessary for safeguarding in perpetuity, under guarantee of the League, the rights secured by Articles 13 and 14, and shall use its influence for securing, under the guarantee of the League, that the Government of Palestine will fully honour the financial obligations legitimately incurred by the Administration of Palestine during the period of the mandate, including the rights of public servants to pensions or gratuities.

The present instrument shall be deposited in original in the archives of the League of Nations and certified copies shall be forwarded by the Secretary-General of the League of Nations to all members of the League.

Done at London the twenty-fourth day of July, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two.

[52]
WIKIPEDIA
LEAGUE OF NATIONS
THE COVENANT OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

THE HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES,

In order to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security

by the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war,
by the prescription of open, just and honourable relations between nations,
by the firm establishment of the understandings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among Governments, and
by the maintenance of justice and a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organised peoples with one another,

Agree to this Covenant of the League of Nations.

ARTICLE 1.

The original Members of the League of Nations shall be those of the Signatories which are named in the Annex to this Covenant and also such of those other States named in the Annex as shall accede without reservation to this Covenant. Such accession shall be effected by a Declaration deposited with the Secretariat within two months of the coming into force of the Covenant. Notice thereof shall be sent to all other Members of the League.

Any fully self-governing State, Dominion or Colony not named in the Annex may become a Member of the League if its admission is agreed to by two-thirds of the Assembly, provided that it shall give effective guarantees of its sincere intention to observe its international obligations, and shall accept such regulations as may be prescribed by the League in regard to its military, naval and air forces and armaments.

Any Member of the League may, after two years’ notice of its intention so to do, withdraw from the League, provided that all its international obligations and all its obligations under this Covenant shall have been fulfilled at the time of its withdrawal.

ARTICLE 2.

The action of the League under this Covenant shall be effected through the instrumentality of an Assembly and of a Council, with a permanent Secretariat.

ARTICLE 3.

The Assembly shall consist of Representatives of the Members of the League.

The Assembly shall meet at stated intervals and from time to time as occasion may require at the Seat of the League or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Assembly may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world. At meetings of the Assembly each Member of the League shall have one vote, and may have not more than three Representatives.

ARTICLE 4.

The Council shall consist of Representatives of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers, together with Representatives of four other Members of the League. These four Members of the League shall be selected by the Assembly from time to time in its discretion. Until the appointment of the Representatives of the four Members of the League first selected by the Assembly, Representatives of Belgium, Brazil, Spain and Greece shall be members of the Council.

With the approval of the majority of the Assembly, the Council may name additional Members of the League whose Representatives shall always be members of the Council; the Council, with like approval may increase the number of Members of the League to be selected by the Assembly for representation on the Council.

The Council shall meet from time to time as occasion may require, and at least once a year, at the Seat of the League, or at such other place as may be decided upon.

The Council may deal at its meetings with any matter within the sphere of action of the League or affecting the peace of the world.

Any Member of the League not represented on the Council shall be invited to send a Representative to sit as a member at any meeting of the Council during the consideration of matters specially affecting the interests of that Member of the League.

At meetings of the Council, each Member of the League represented on the Council shall have one vote, and may have not more than one Representative.

ARTICLE 5.

Except where otherwise expressly provided in this Covenant or by the terms of the present Treaty, decisions at any meeting of the Assembly or of the Council shall require the agreement of all the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

All matters of procedure at meetings of the Assembly or of the Council, including the appointment of Committees to investigate particular matters, shall be regulated by the Assembly or by the Council and may be decided by a majority of the Members of the League represented at the meeting.

The first meeting of the Assembly and the first meeting of the Council shall be summoned by the President of the United States of America.

ARTICLE 6.

The permanent Secretariat shall be established at the Seat of the League. The Secretariat shall comprise a Secretary General and such secretaries and staff as may be required.

The first Secretary General shall be the person named in the Annex; thereafter the Secretary General shall be appointed by the Council with the approval of the majority of the Assembly.

The secretaries and staff of the Secretariat shall be appointed by the Secretary General with the approval of the Council.

The Secretary General shall act in that capacity at all meetings of the Assembly and of the Council.

The expenses of the League shall be borne by the Members of the League in the proportion decided by the Assembly.

ARTICLE 7.

The Seat of the League is established at Geneva.

The Council may at any time decide that the Seat of the League shall be established elsewhere.

All positions under or in connection with the League, including the Secretariat, shall be open equally to men and women.

Representatives of the Members of the League and officials of the League when engaged on the business of the League shall enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

The buildings and other property occupied by the League or its officials or by Representatives attending its meetings shall be inviolable.

ARTICLE 8.

The Members of the League recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations.

The Council, taking account of the geographical situation and circumstances of each State, shall formulate plans for such reduction for the consideration and action of the several Governments. Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten years.

After these plans shall have been adopted by the several Governments, the limits of armaments therein fixed shall not be exceeded without the concurrence of the Council.

The Members of the League agree that the manufacture by private enterprise of munitions and implements of war is open to grave objections. The Council shall advise how the evil effects attendant upon such manufacture can be prevented, due regard being had to the necessities of those Members of the League which are not able to manufacture the munitions and implements of war necessary for their safety.

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full and frank information as to the scale of their armaments, their military, naval and air programmes and the condition of such of their industries as are adaptable to war-like purposes.

ARTICLE 9.

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to advise the Council on the execution of the provisions of Articles 1 and 8 and on military, naval and air questions generally.

ARTICLE 10.

The Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence of all Members of the League. In case of any such aggression or in case of any threat or danger of such aggression the Council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled.

ARTICLE 11.

Any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is hereby declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. In case any such emergency should arise the Secretary General shall on the request of any Member of the League forthwith summon a meeting of the Council.

It is also declared to be the friendly right of each Member of the League to bring to the attention of the Assembly or of the Council any circumstance whatever affecting international relations which threatens to disturb international peace or the good understanding between nations upon which peace depends.

ARTICLE 12.

The Members of the League agree that, if there should arise between them any dispute likely to lead to a rupture they will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial settlement or to enquiry by the Council, and they agree in no case to resort to war until three months after the award by the arbitrators or the judicial decision, or the report by the Council. In any case under this Article the award of the arbitrators or the judicial decision shall be made within a reasonable time, and the report of the Council shall be made within six months after the submission of the dispute.

ARTICLE 13.

The Members of the League agree that whenever any dispute shall arise between them which they recognise to be suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement and which cannot be satisfactorily settled by diplomacy, they will submit the whole subject-matter to arbitration or judicial settlement.

Disputes as to the interpretation of a treaty, as to any question of international law, as to the existence of any fact which if established would constitute a breach of any international obligation, or as to the extent and nature of the reparation to be made for any such breach, are declared to be among those which are generally suitable for submission to arbitration or judicial settlement.

For the consideration of any such dispute, the court to which the case is referred shall be the Permanent Court of International Justice, established in accordance with Article 14, or any tribunal agreed on by the parties to the dispute or stipulated in any convention existing between them.

The Members of the League agree that they will carry out in full good faith any award or decision that may be rendered, and that they will not resort to war against a Member of the League which complies therewith. In the event of any failure to carry out such an award or decision, the Council shall propose what steps should be taken to give effect thereto.

ARTICLE 14.

The Council shall formulate and submit to the Members of the League for adoption plans for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice. The Court shall be competent to hear and determine any dispute of an international character which the parties thereto submit to it. The Court may also give an advisory opinion upon any dispute or question referred to it by the Council or by the Assembly.

ARTICLE 15.

If there should arise between Members of the League any dispute likely to lead to a rupture, which is not submitted to arbitration or judicial settlement in accordance with Article 13, the Members of the League agree that they will submit the matter to the Council. Any party to the dispute may effect such submission by giving notice of the existence of the dispute to the Secretary General, who will make all necessary arrangements for a full investigation and consideration thereof.

For this purpose the parties to the dispute will communicate to the Secretary General, as promptly as possible, statements of their case with all the relevant facts and papers, and the Council may forthwith direct the publication thereof.

The Council shall endeavour to effect a settlement of the dispute, and if such efforts are successful, a statement shall be made public giving such facts and explanations regarding the dispute and the terms of settlement thereof as the Council may deem appropriate.

If the dispute is not thus settled, the Council either unanimously or by a majority vote shall make and publish a report containing a statement of the facts of the dispute and the recommendations which are deemed just and proper in regard thereto.

Any Member of the League represented on the Council may make public a statement of the facts of the dispute and of its conclusions regarding the same.

If a report by the Council is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League agree that they will not go to war with any party to the dispute which complies with the recommendations of the report.

If the Council fails to reach a report which is unanimously agreed to by the members thereof, other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute, the Members of the League reserve to themselves the right to take such action as they shall consider necessary for the maintenance of right and justice.

If the dispute between the parties is claimed by one of them, and is found by the Council, to arise out of a matter which by international law is solely within the domestic jurisdiction of that party, the Council shall so report, and shall make no recommendation as to its settlement.

The Council may in any case under this Article refer the dispute to the Assembly. The dispute shall be so referred at the request of either party to the dispute, provided that such request be made within fourteen days after the submission of the dispute to the Council.

In any case referred to the Assembly, all the provisions of this Article and of Article 12 relating to the action and powers of the Council shall apply to the action and powers of the Assembly, provided that a report made by the Assembly, if concurred in by the Representatives of those Members of the League represented on the Council and of a majority of the other Members of the League, exclusive in each case of the Representatives of the parties to the dispute, shall have the same force as a report by the Council concurred in by all the members thereof other than the Representatives of one or more of the parties to the dispute.

ARTICLE 16.

Should any Member of the League resort to war in disregard of its covenants under Articles 1213 or 15, it shall ipso facto be deemed to have committed an act of war against all other Members of the League, which hereby undertake immediately to subject it to the severance of all trade or financial relations, the prohibition of all intercourse between their nationals and the nationals of the covenant-breaking State, and the prevention of all financial, commercial or personal intercourse between the nationals of the covenant-breaking State and the nationals of any other State, whether a Member of the League or not.

It shall be the duty of the Council in such case to recommend to the several Governments concerned what effective military, naval or air force the Members of the League shall severally contribute to the armed forces to be used to protect the covenants of the League.

The Members of the League agree, further, that they will mutually support one another in the financial and economic measures which are taken under this Article, in order to minimise the loss and inconvenience resulting from the above measures, and that they will mutually support one another in resisting any special measures aimed at one of their number by the covenant-breaking State, and that they will take the necessary steps to afford passage through their territory to the forces of any of the Members of the League which are co-operating to protect the covenants of the League.

Any Member of the League which has violated any covenant of the League may be declared to be no longer a Member of the League by a vote of the Council concurred in by the Representatives of all the other Members of the League represented thereon.

ARTICLE 17.

In the event of a dispute between a Member of the League and a State which is not a Member of the League, or between States not Members of the League, the State or States not Members of the League shall be invited to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, upon such conditions as the Council may deem just. If such invitation is accepted, the provisions of Articles 12 to 16 inclusive shall be applied with such modifications as may be deemed necessary by the Council.

Upon such invitation being given the Council shall immediately institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the dispute and recommend such action as may seem best and most effectual in the circumstances.

If a State so invited shall refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, and shall resort to war against a Member of the League, the provisions of Article 16 shall be applicable as against the State taking such action.

If both parties to the dispute when so invited refuse to accept the obligations of membership in the League for the purposes of such dispute, the Council may take such measures and make such recommendations as will prevent hostilities and will result in the settlement of the dispute.

ARTICLE 18.

Every treaty or international engagement entered into hereafter by any Member of the League shall be forthwith registered with the Secretariat and shall as soon as possible be published by it. No such treaty or international engagement shall be binding until so registered.

ARTICLE 19.

The Assembly may from time to time advise the reconsideration by Members of the League of treaties which have become inapplicable and the consideration of international conditions whose continuance might endanger the peace of the world.

ARTICLE 20.

The Members of the League severally agree that this Covenant is accepted as abrogating all obligations or understandings inter se which are inconsistent with the terms thereof, and solemnly undertake that they will not hereafter enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.

In case any Member of the League shall, before becoming a Member of the League, have undertaken any obligations inconsistent with the terms of this Covenant, it shall be the duty of such Member to take immediate steps to procure its release from such obligations.

ARTICLE 21.

Nothing in this Covenant shall be deemed to affect the validity of international engagements, such as treaties of arbitration or regional understandings like the Monroe doctrine, for securing the maintenance of peace.

ARTICLE 22.

To those colonies and territories which as a consequence of the late war have ceased to be under the sovereignty of the States which formerly governed them and which are inhabited by peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world, there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation and that securities for the performance of this trust should be embodied in this Covenant.

The best method of giving practical effect to this principle is that the tutelage of such peoples should be entrusted to advanced nations who by reason of their resources, their experience or their geographical position can best undertake this responsibility, and who are willing to accept it, and that this tutelage should be exercised by them as Mandatories on behalf of the League.

The character of the mandate must differ according to the stage of the development of the people, the geographical situation of the territory, its economic conditions and other similar circumstances.

Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkish Empire have reached a stage of development where their existence as independent nations can be provisionally recognized subject to the rendering of administrative advice and assistance by a Mandatory until such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these communities must be a principal consideration in the selection of the Mandatory.

Other peoples, especially those of Central Africa, are at such a stage that the Mandatory must be responsible for the administration of the territory under conditions which will guarantee freedom of conscience and religion, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, the prohibition of abuses such as the slave trade, the arms traffic and the liquor traffic, and the prevention of the establishment of fortifications or military and naval bases and of military training of the natives for other than police purposes and the defence of territory, and will also secure equal opportunities for the trade and commerce of other Members of the League.

There are territories, such as South-West Africa and certain of the South Pacific Islands, which, owing to the sparseness of their population, or their small size, or their remoteness from the centres of civilisation, or their geographical contiguity to the territory of the Mandatory, and other circumstances, can be best administered under the laws of the Mandatory as integral portions of its territory, subject to the safeguards above mentioned in the interests of the indigenous population.

In every case of mandate, the Mandatory shall render to the Council an annual report in reference to the territory committed to its charge.

The degree of authority, control, or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Council.

A permanent Commission shall be constituted to receive and examine the annual reports of the Mandatories and to advise the Council on all matters relating to the observance of the mandates.

ARTICLE 23.

Subject to and in accordance with the provisions of international conventions existing or hereafter to be agreed upon, the Members of the League:

(a) will endeavour to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labour for men, women, and children, both in their own countries and in all countries to which their commercial and industrial relations extend, and for that purpose will establish and maintain the necessary international organisations;

(b) undertake to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants of territories under their control;

(c) will entrust the League with the general supervision over the execution of agreements with regard to the traffic in women and children, and the traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs;

(d) will entrust the League with the general supervision of the trade in arms and ammunition with the countries in which the control of this traffic is necessary in the common interest;

(e) will make provision to secure and maintain freedom of communications and of transit and equitable treatment for the commerce of all Members of the League. In this connection, the special necessities of the regions devastated during the war of 1914-1918 shall be borne in mind;

(f) will endeavour to take steps in matters of international concern for the prevention and control of disease.

ARTICLE 24.

There shall be placed under the direction of the League all international bureaux already established by general treaties if the parties to such treaties consent. All such international bureaux and all commissions for the regulation of matters of international interest hereafter constituted shall be placed under the direction of the League.

In all matters of international interest which are regulated by general convention but which are not placed under the control of international bureaux or commissions, the Secretariat of the League shall, subject to the consent of the Council and if desired by the parties, collect and distribute all relevant information and shall render any other assistance which may be necessary or desirable.

The Council may include as part of the expenses of the Secretariat the expenses of any bureau or commission which is placed under the direction of the League.

ARTICLE 25.

The Members of the League agree to encourage and promote the establishment and co-operation of duly authorised voluntary national Red Cross organisations having as purposes the improvement of health, the prevention of disease and the mitigation of suffering throughout the world.

ARTICLE 26.

Amendments to this Covenant will take effect when ratified by the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Council and by a majority of the Members of the League whose Representatives compose the Assembly.

No such amendments shall bind any Member of the League which signifies its dissent therefrom, but in that case it shall cease to be a Member of the League.

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[46]
”Eind juli vonden dan besprekingen plaats met een Duitse delegatie. Op 2 augustus werd een – strikt geheime – overeenkomst getekend. De belangrijkste bepalingen waren: als het conflict beperkt zou blijven tot Servië en Oostenrijk zouden beide partijen neutraal blijven; in het geval van een Russisch-Duits conflict zal het rijk de zijde van de Centralen kiezen; in dat geval zou Duitsland het gebied van het Ottomaanse rijk beschermen. Enver Pasja trachtte in de maanden daarna de feitelijke oorlogsverklaring van het rijk nog uit te stellen, maar vanaf 11 november was het rijk in oorlog met Rusland, Frankrijk en Groot-Brittannië.”
WIKIPEDIA/OTTOMAANSE RIJK/MEHMET V-1909-1918
ORIGINELE BRON
WIKIPEDIA
OTTOMAANSE RIJK
”Deze politiek om het Turks-Osmaanse Rijk – zij het verzwakt – in stand te houden, is losgelaten nadat de Turks-Osmaanse sultan zich in de Eerste Wereldoorlog aan de zijde van Duitsland/Oostenrijk-Hongarije schaarde tegenover Groot-Brittannië, Frankrijk en Rusland (in een later stadium gevolgd door de Verenigde Staten). Daarop veroverden Britse en Franse troepen de Mashriq op de Turken. Dat deden zij met steun van Arabische opstandelingen onder leiding van prins Feisal, de zoon van de Sharif van Mekka (Bewaker van de voor moslims Heilige Plaatsen Mekka en Medina), in ruil waarvoor de opstandelingen onafhankelijkheid toegezegd kregen. Maar nog vóór het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, bleken Londen en Parijs op basis van een geheim akkoord het veroverde gebied onder elkaar verdeeld te hebben en werd de toezegging aan de Arabieren over onafhankelijkheid niet nagekomen.”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 41
[47]
”The Sykes–Picot Agreement (/ˈsks ˈpk, – pɪˈk, – pˈk/[1]) was a 1916 secret treaty between the United Kingdom and France, with assent from Russia and Italy, to define their mutually agreed spheres of influence and control in an eventual partition of the Ottoman Empire.”
WIKIPEDIA
SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT
”Daarop veroverden Britse en Franse troepen de Mashriq op de Turken. Dat deden zij met steun van Arabische opstandelingen onder leiding van prins Feisal, de zoon van de Sharif van Mekka (Bewaker van de voor moslims Heilige Plaatsen Mekka en Medina), in ruil waarvoor de opstandelingen onafhankelijkheid toegezegd kregen. Maar nog vóór het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, bleken Londen en Parijs op basis van een geheim akkoord het veroverde gebied onder elkaar verdeeld te hebben en werd de toezegging aan de Arabieren over onafhankelijkheid niet nagekomen.”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA
ZIE VOOR GEHELE TEKST, NOOT 41
[48]
”The agreement effectively divided the Ottoman provinces outside the Arabian Peninsula into areas of British and French control and influence. The British- and French-controlled countries were divided by the Sykes–Picot line.[5] The agreement allocated to the UK control of what is today southern Israel and PalestineJordan and southern Iraq, and an additional small area that included the ports of Haifa and Acre to allow access to the Mediterranean.[6][7][8] France was to control southeastern Turkey, the Kurdistan RegionSyria and Lebanon.[8]
 
WIKIPEDIA
SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT
 
 
 
[49]
 

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[43]
WIKIPEDIA
BALFOUR DECLARATION
[44]
”His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”
WIKIPEDIA
BALFOUR DECLARATION
GEHELE BRIEF LUIDT
Dear Lord Rotschild
I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty’s Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist
aspirations which have been submitted to, and approved by the Cabinet.
His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to
the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.
[45]
”One nation solemnly promised to a second nation the country of a third.”
ARTHUR KOESTLER QUOTES

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Noot 42/Israel raast en tiert!

[42]
”De Britse focus op de controle van Palestina was het gevolg van een aantal factoren. Hoewel velen in Palestina geen echt economisch belang zagen, bezat het land toch een significante militaire, politieke en commerciële strategische waarde. Controle over het Suez kanaal was cruciaal om de communicatielijnen naar de rest van het Britse imperium open te houden, om snel troepen over zee richting bijvoorbeeld India te kunnen sturen en ook om tijdens WOI de vrije toevoer van mankrachten en grondstoffen te verzekeren. Moest India in geval van Duitse of Ottomaanse controle over het Suez kanaal geïsoleerd raken van het Britse Rijk dan zou de Britse economie en haar oorlogscapaciteit enorm beschadigd worden. Ten tweede moesten de imperiale ambities van Duitsland, de voornaamste Britse rivaal in de regio, getemperd worden. Tijdens WOI was Duitsland in alliantie getreden met het Ottomaanse Rijk dat op dat moment nog het grootste deel van het Midden-Oosten onder haar controle had. Ten derde moest de toegang tot en de controle over de ontginning en het gebruik van olie uit de regio verzekerd worden. Meer en meer begon die grondstof een centrale rol te spelen in de ontwikkeling van de economie en industrie.”
DE BRITTEN, HET ZIONISME EN DE VERKLARING VAN BALFOUR
4 NOVEMBER 2020

‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done that may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.’

Bovenstaande verklaring werd op 2 november 1917 opgenomen in een brief van Brits buitenlandminister Sir Lord Balfour aan Lord Rothschild, een van de meest prominente leiders van de Joodse gemeenschap in Groot-Brittannië op dat moment. In nogal vage bewoordingen riep Balfour er de steun mee uit van zijn regering voor de oprichting van een nationale thuis voor het Joodse volk in Palestina. Hoewel de verklaring van Balfour een belangrijke gebeurtenis vormt in de geschiedenis van de wereld en het Midden-Oosten, moeten we de impact ervan ook niet overdrijven. De verklaring lag niet aan de basis van het Zionisme en het zou van weinig historisch inzicht getuigen om te beweren dat het document het volledige verloop van de kolonisatie van Palestina heeft bepaald.

Toch is het nuttig om meer dan honderd jaar later even terug te blikken op de historische context waarin de verklaring tot stand kwam. Hoewel de centrale actoren hier en daar veranderd zijn, zijn de politieke en economische krachten die aan de basis lagen van het document ook vandaag nog aan het werk in de regio. Ze bepalen nog altijd in grote mate het uitzicht van het Midden-Oosten en van de situatie in Israël en Palestina in het bijzonder. Bovendien helpt een terugblik op het tijdperk van de verklaring van Balfour ons ook om de veelgehoorde opvatting, dat Israël haar bestaansgrond zou kennen in de gruwelen van de Holocaust, in vraag te stellen. Het is een argument dat de leiders van zowel de jonge staat Israël als van haar bondgenoten graag aanwenden om hun beleid in de regio te verantwoorden.

Imperiale rivaliteit

Verschillende historici hebben de factoren die tot de verklaring van Balfour hebben geleid bestudeerd. Alvast zeker is dat bij de Britse parlementsleden die de verklaring goedkeurden de liefde voor het Joodse volk niet op de eerste plaats kwam. Heel wat christelijke parlementsleden waren doordrongen van het anti-semitisme en het enige joodse lid van het parlement, Edwin Montagu, verzette zich tegen de verklaring omdat hij in het Zionisme geen oplossing zag voor de haat waarmee de joden al honderden jaren werden geconfronteerd. Van groter belang waren de imperiale rivaliteit tussen Groot-Brittannië, Frankrijk en Duitsland en de hoop dat de verklaring van Balfour de joden in de Verenigde Staten en Rusland zou mobiliseren voor de geallieerde zaak tijdens WOI.

Aan het einde van de 19e eeuw hadden namelijk een aantal ingrijpende veranderingen plaatsgevonden in de aard en vorm van het imperialisme als gevolg van de enorme groei van de economie (onder invloed van technologische innovaties en industriële expansie), de aanwas van financieel kapitaal en de monopolievorming van grote bedrijven en financiële instellingen. Terwijl koloniale mogendheden in het verleden vooral inzetten op de effectieve verovering en bezetting van buitenlandse gebieden om grondstoffen te kunnen ontginnen, werd dat aan het einde van de 19e eeuw minder aantrekkelijk. De focus kwam steeds meer op het controleren van de gehele markt te liggen. Er was dus een overgang van directe militaire en politieke overheersing naar een imperialisme gekenmerkt door economische dominantie en controle. Deze fase van het imperialisme werd bijgevolg sterk bepaald door een competitie tussen de verschillende grootmachten om de controle over waardevolle grondstoffen, de monopolisering van buitenlandse markten en de beheersing van communicatie- en transportlijnen. Die concurrentiestrijd mondde uit in de Eerste Wereldoorlog en had ook enorme repercussies voor het Midden-Oosten.

De Britten en Zionisten vinden elkaar

De Britse focus op de controle van Palestina was het gevolg van een aantal factoren. Hoewel velen in Palestina geen echt economisch belang zagen, bezat het land toch een significante militaire, politieke en commerciële strategische waarde. Controle over het Suez kanaal was cruciaal om de communicatielijnen naar de rest van het Britse imperium open te houden, om snel troepen over zee richting bijvoorbeeld India te kunnen sturen en ook om tijdens WOI de vrije toevoer van mankrachten en grondstoffen te verzekeren. Moest India in geval van Duitse of Ottomaanse controle over het Suez kanaal geïsoleerd raken van het Britse Rijk dan zou de Britse economie en haar oorlogscapaciteit enorm beschadigd worden. Ten tweede moesten de imperiale ambities van Duitsland, de voornaamste Britse rivaal in de regio, getemperd worden. Tijdens WOI was Duitsland in alliantie getreden met het Ottomaanse Rijk dat op dat moment nog het grootste deel van het Midden-Oosten onder haar controle had. Ten derde moest de toegang tot en de controle over de ontginning en het gebruik van olie uit de regio verzekerd worden. Meer en meer begon die grondstof een centrale rol te spelen in de ontwikkeling van de economie en industrie.

In diezelfde periode was in West-Europa het Zionisme ontstaan in reactie op de pogroms en het anti-semitisme dat in Oost-Europa steeds grotere proporties aannam. Het Zionisme was aanvankelijk een minderheidsstroming binnen de joodse gemeenschap. De leiders van de beweging beseften dan ook dat ze een machtige beschermheer zouden nodig hebben om hun doel te bereiken. Ze benaderden alle imperiale grootmachten op zoek naar steun voor hun project. Toch zagen de Zionisten de Britten als overwinnaar uit WOI komen en tijdens de oorlog werden de banden met het Britse establishment en de overheid verder aangehaald. Het Britse establishment was bovendien sterk doordrongen van christelijke Zionistische sympathieën, zoals ook vandaag nog een aantal Evangelische stromingen in de Verenigde Staten. Sommige politieke functionarissen, zoals Winston Churchill, geloofden echt dat als alle Joden op aarde zouden terugkeren naar ‘Zion’, God op aarde zou weerkeren en de ongelovigen zouden branden in de hel. Ten slotte won het anti-semitisme niet alleen in Oost-Europa aan kracht, maar ook in landen als Amerika, Frankrijk en Groot-Brittannië zelf. In al die landen werden wetten aangenomen die de immigratie van joden sterk bemoeilijkten. Als gevolg van deze historische ontwikkelingen ontstond er dus een gunstige context waarin het idee van de joodse kolonisatie van Palestina goed kon gedijen.

Het is niet zo moeilijk om in te zien dat de imperiale ambities van het Britse rijk eenvoudig te verzoenen waren met de nationale aspiraties van de Zionisten. Om hun strategische belangen in het Midden-Oosten veilig te stellen integreerden de Britten het Zionistisch project in hun beleid t.a.v. het Britse rijk. Onder het mom van de heropbouw van de Joodse natie in ‘thuisland’ Palestina vormde de Zionistische kolonisatie een handig surrogaat voor een nieuwe Britse koloniale onderneming. Twee gebeurtenissen zorgden er namelijk voor dat de oude vormen van expansionisme en kolonisatie politiek gezien niet langer verkoopbaar waren. Zowel in eigen land als op het internationale toneel. Enerzijds kwam onder druk van het ontluikend nationalisme wereldwijd het principe van zelfbeschikking op de voorgrond. Woodrow Wilson formuleerde het bijvoorbeeld in zijn 14-punten plan: National aspirations must be respected; people may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent and sovereignty. Volkeren moesten vanaf nu het recht krijgen om zelf hun toekomst te bepalen. Anderzijds vond in 1917 de Bolsjewistische revolutie plaats in Rusland. Onder leiding van Lenin, die het imperialisme als een centrale dynamiek van het kapitalisme zag, had deze revolutie een sterk anti-imperialistisch karakter. Gezien de erbarmelijke leefomstandigheden tijdens WOI, was er ook in Groot-Brittannië angst voor een communistische revolutie. Het land zou in haar toekomstig koloniaal beleid dus sterk rekening moeten houden met deze twee trends

Imperiale realpolitik

Het imperiale beleid van de Britten in het Midden-Oosten tijdens WOI zat dan ook vol tegenstrijdigheden. Op ongeveer hetzelfde moment (1915-1917) werden aan 3 internationale spelers – de Fransen, de Arabieren (in de gedaante van sharief Hussein) en de Joodse gemeenschap – verschillende beloftes gedaan over de toekomst van de regio. Ten eerste was er de Hussein-McMahon correspondentie waarin de Britten bij monde van Sir McMahon, hoge commissaris in Caïro, aan sharief Hussein van Mekka beloofden dat de Arabieren aan het einde van de oorlog een onafhankelijke Arabische staat konden stichten. In ruil daarvoor moesten ze aan de zijde van de Britten tegen het Ottomaanse Rijk vechten. Op bijna hetzelfde moment waren er onderhandelingen aan de gang tussen Frankrijk en Groot-Brittanië om verdeeldheid tussen de geallieerden te voorkomen. De Sykes-Picot onderhandelingen bepaalden de invloedssferen van beide landen in het Midden-Oosten en verdeelden de regio op in Frans en Brits eigendom. Ten slotte was er de Britse belofte, in de vorm van de verklaring van Balfour, aan de Joodse gemeenschap in 1917 om van Palestina hun thuisland te maken. Al die overeenkomsten en beloftes hadden betrekking op hetzelfde gebied in het Midden-Oosten en konden uiteraard niet met elkaar worden verzoend.

Het mag dus duidelijk zijn dat de Britse houding in het Midden-Oosten aan het begin van de 20e eeuw allerminst werd bepaald door humanitaire overwegingen of de ambitie om de bevolking in de regio te ondersteunen in haar strijd voor sociale rechtvaardigheid en zelfbeschikking. De Britse beloftes aan de Fransen, Arabieren en de joodse gemeenschap maakten onderdeel uit van een realpolitik die er op gericht was om de Britse imperiale belangen veilig te stellen en de positie van het land op het wereldtoneel te verstevigen. Dat is vandaag de dag niet anders, alle westerse uitspraken over democratie, vrijheid en mensenrechten voor het Midden-Oosten ten spijt. Net zoals honderd jaar geleden blijft de regio overgeleverd aan de beslissingen van grootmachten en invloeden van buitenaf. Als we echt iets willen veranderen aan de corruptie, het aanhoudende geweld en de gigantische ongelijkheid in de regio en als we echt een einde willen maken aan het Zionistische kolonisatieproject in Palestina, dan zullen we in de eerste plaats die imperiale mechanismen moeten ontmantelen. Dat kan bijvoorbeeld heel concreet door de BDS-beweging te ondersteunen en druk te zetten op overheden en bedrijven die direct of indirect bertrokken zijn bij mensenrechtenschendingen in de regio.

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Noot 41/Israel raast en tiert!

[41]
”Daarbij richtten de plannen van de zionisten zich op Palestina dat ‘een land zonder volk voor een volk zonder land’ zou zijn.”
NPK
[PALESTINA KOMITEE]
KWESTIE PALESTINA

De ‘Kwestie Palestina’ verwijst naar de strijd van Palestijnen tegen het zionistische, koloniale project in Palestina, waarbij zionistisch-joodse kolonisten vanaf het eind van de 19e eeuw door middel van kolonisatie stelselmatig toewerken naar het omvormen van Palestina in een Joodse Staat. Deze omvorming betekent in de praktijk dat de autochtone Palestijnse bevolking wordt verdreven, gemarginaliseerd en dat haar samenleving wordt verwoest. Deze omvorming kent steeds weer nieuwe dimensies.

Het voorafgaande geeft aan dat de Kwestie Palestina niet dateert – zoals menigeen denkt – van 1967, het jaar waarin Israel de Westelijke Jordaanoever en de Strook van Gaza bezette, en evenmin van 1948, met de stichting van de Staat Israel en de massale verdrijving van Palestijnen uit Palestina’48 (Israel).

In de Kwestie Palestina rust op Europa een zware verantwoordelijkheid voor het ontstaan en het voortduren ervan. Aanvankelijk gold die verantwoordelijkheid vooral Groot-Brittannië. Dan hebben wij het over de periode van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, toen de machtsverhoudingen in het oostelijke deel van de Arabische Wereld (al-Mashriq) waartoe ook Palestina behoort, grondig zijn gewijzigd.

Tot de Eerste Wereldoorlog maakte de Mashriq deel uit van het Turks-Osmaanse Rijk. In de loop van de 19e eeuw was dit multinationale imperium sterk in verval geraakt. Dat heeft de deur opengezet voor politieke, militaire en economische penetratie door Westerse imperialistische mogendheden. Zo kreeg Groot-Brittannië aan het eind van de 19e eeuw Egypte – en daarmee het strategisch belangrijke Suez Kanaal – in handen. Formeel bleef het gebied evenwel deel uitmaken van het Turks-Osmaanse Rijk. Aanvankelijk was Groot-Brittannië er namelijk niet op uit om dit rijk te ontmantelen, aangezien het fungeerde als een buffer tussen de groeiende Britse belangen in de regio enerzijds, en het in zuidelijke richting expanderende tsaristische Rusland anderzijds.

Behalve over Egypte en het Suez-Kanaal was controle over de aangrenzende Mashriq voor Groot-Brittannië eveneens van groot strategisch belang. Dit bood immers een verbinding over land – tussen de Middellandse Zee en de Perzische Golf – met zijn belangrijkste kolonie, Brits-Indië.

Deze politiek om het Turks-Osmaanse Rijk – zij het verzwakt – in stand te houden, is losgelaten nadat de Turks-Osmaanse sultan zich in de Eerste Wereldoorlog aan de zijde van Duitsland/Oostenrijk-Hongarije schaarde tegenover Groot-Brittannië, Frankrijk en Rusland (in een later stadium gevolgd door de Verenigde Staten). Daarop veroverden Britse en Franse troepen de Mashriq op de Turken. Dat deden zij met steun van Arabische opstandelingen onder leiding van prins Feisal, de zoon van de Sharif van Mekka (Bewaker van de voor moslims Heilige Plaatsen Mekka en Medina), in ruil waarvoor de opstandelingen onafhankelijkheid toegezegd kregen. Maar nog vóór het einde van de Eerste Wereldoorlog, bleken Londen en Parijs op basis van een geheim akkoord het veroverde gebied onder elkaar verdeeld te hebben en werd de toezegging aan de Arabieren over onafhankelijkheid niet nagekomen.

Zo kwamen in 1920 op de restanten van het Arabische deel van het Turks-Osmaanse Rijk een serie nieuwe staatkundige entiteiten – mandaatgebieden ofwel koloniën – tot stand die onder Brits gezag (Irak, Trans-Jordanië en Palestina) en Frans gezag (Syrië en Libanon) vielen.

Tot ontsteltenis van de Arabieren bleken de Britten tevens ingegaan te zijn op de avances van de Zionistische Beweging – die vóór de Eerste Wereldoorlog van de Turks-Osmaanse Sultan en de Duitse Keizer nul op rekest had gekregen – en in te stemmen met ‘de stichting in Palestina van een nationaal tehuis voor het Joodse volk’ (tekst Balfour Declaration van 1917, vernoemd naar de toenmalige Britse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, Lord Arthur James Balfour). Dat ‘tehuis’ zou volgens de leiders van de Zionistische Beweging als een voorpost van het Westen in de regio en als een waakhond voor Britse belangen in de regio gaan fungeren. Aangezien de Zionistische Beweging in die jaren een aangelegenheid van Oost- en West-Europese joden was, moet dit argument geloofwaardig zijn geweest.

Wat de zionistische leiders echter verzwegen, was dat zij niet zozeer uit waren op ‘de stichting in Palestina van een nationaal tehuis voor het Joodse volk’, maar op het omvormen van Palestina in een Joodse Staat.

zionisme
Het politieke zionisme – te onderscheiden van het religieuze zionisme – kwam aan het eind van de 19e eeuw op als een reactie en antwoord op opgelaaid antisemitisme in Oost- en West-Europa. Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) wordt beschouwd als de grondlegger van het politieke zionisme (hierna zionisme).Door politieke zionisten (hierna zionisten) wordt antisemitisme gezien als een wezenskenmerk van niet-joodse samenlevingen. Joden konden van antisemitisme gevrijwaard blijven door uit die samenlevingen weg te trekken en elders in de wereld een staat voor joden te vestigen. Daarin verschilden zij hartgrondig van mening met joden die actief waren binnen liberale en socialistische/communistische emancipatiebewegingen, die antisemitisme als een facet van een breder fenomeen zagen – namelijk van discriminatie van, en racisme jegens etnische of religieuze minderheden – dat in de samenlevingen zelf bestreden moest worden. Religieuze joden wezen de vorming van een staat voor joden door mensenhand af, aangezien het hier wachten is op de komst van de Messias.

Het idee om elders in de wereld een gebied te koloniseren om daar een staat te vestigen, paste geheel in de geest van de tijd. Het waren immers de hoogtijdagen van het Europese imperialisme. Daarbij richtten de plannen van de zionisten zich op Palestina dat ‘een land zonder volk voor een volk zonder land’ zou zijn. Maar Palestina was niet leeg en werd sinds mensenheugenis bewoond (de Romeinen duidden het gebied aan met Palestina; veel later zijn de bewoners Palestijnen genoemd). In hun plannen was er in Palestina voor de Palestijnen echter geen plaats meer (een lange reeks uitspraken van historische leiders van de Zionistische Beweging bevestigt dit). Om de vestiging in Palestina van een staat voor joden door te drukken, hadden de zionisten de steun van de imperialistische grootmachten van de dag nodig: Duitsland, Groot-Brittannië, Frankrijk. Uiteindelijk bleek Groot-Brittannië dat het gebied gedurende de Eerste Wereldoorlog in handen had gekregen, bereid die steun te verlenen.

In joodse kring vond het zionisme aanvankelijk weinig weerklank. Door zowel religieuze als liberale en socialistische/communistische joden werd het als een seculiere, respectievelijk politieke dwaling afgewezen. De vervolging van joden in het nazi-Rijk, uitmondend in de Holocaust, en de ontreddering van vele joodse overlevenden na de nederlaag van nazi-Duitsland, hebben de zionisten, die inmiddels een stevige basis in het Britse Mandaatgebied Palestina hadden weten te verwerven, politiek de wind in de zeilen gegeven. De opdeling door de VN in 1948 van Palestina in een Joodse en een ‘Arabische’ Staat is daarvan een direct uitvloeisel geweest.

Voor de Palestijnen betekende de Britse instemming met de plannen van de Zionistische Beweging ten aanzien van Palestina een zware slag. Door in de preambule en in Artikel 2 van het Mandaatprotocol te stellen dat de Britse Mandataris verantwoordelijk zou zijn voor het implementeren van wat eerder in de Balfour Declaration aan de Zionistische Beweging was toegezegd, gaf ook de door Westerse staten (waaronder – op het verslagen Duitsland na – alle West-Europese staten) gedomineerde Volkerenbond zijn zegen aan het zionistische project in Palestina.

In de praktijk betekende de alliantie tussen Londen en de Zionistische Beweging, dat Groot-Brittannië de instroom van zionistische joden uit Oost- en West-Europa in het Mandaatgebied Palestina toestond. Met de financiële middelen van zowel het internationaal opererende Joods Nationaal Fonds als van vermogende zionistische joden in Europa en de Verenigde Staten kon in Palestina van grootgrondbezitters grond aangekocht worden, die vervolgens door joodse kolonisten werd bewerkt. Palestijnse pachters moesten daarbij het veld ruimen.

Maakten joodse kolonisten in 1919 met 66.000 personen al zo’n 10 procent van de bevolking uit – vestiging in Palestina was vanaf eind 19e eeuw in gang gezet – in 1929 was hun aantal ruim verdubbeld tot 156.000 (16 procent). Zeven jaar later was er opnieuw sprake van ruim een verdubbeling tot 370.000 (27 procent). De aankoop van grond hield met deze spectaculaire groei evenwel geen gelijke tred. Al met al zijn in deze periode de fundamenten gelegd voor een parallelle (naast de Palestijnse), exclusief joodse maatschappij, gebaseerd op segregatie.

verzet
Palestijnse leiders, hoofdzakelijk voortgekomen uit de stedelijke elite, die zich van meet af aan ten volle van de ernst van de zaak bewust waren, meenden lang dat zij langs de weg van overreding, in combinatie met druk in de vorm van non-coöperatie in het bestuur, de Britten ertoe konden bewegen hun opstelling ten aanzien van de activiteiten van de zionistische joden te wijzigen. Dat bleek een foute inschatting te zijn. Ook na de eerste bloedige confrontaties in de loop van de jaren twintig tussen zionistische joden en Palestijnen bleef het Britse beleid op hoofdpunten ongewijzigd. Geleidelijk aan groeide onder gewone Palestijnen dan ook het besef dat de Britten een even groot obstakel voor het verwezenlijken van de Arabische/Palestijnse aspiraties vormden als de zionistische joden. Beiden dienden bijgevolg bestreden te worden – en wel gewapenderhand. Op het platteland en in de sloppenwijken van de steden vormden zich guerrillagroepen van voornamelijk landloze boeren.

In een poging de zaak politiek te forceren is op 20 april 1936 door het Palestijnse leiderschap een algemene staking voor onbeperkte duur afgekondigd. Daaraan is breed gehoor gegeven. Uiteindelijk duurde de staking 176 dagen. Ook het gewapend verzet, dat zich inmiddels zowel tegen de joodse kolonisten als tegen de Britten richtte, nam die jaren in omvang toe.

De Britten hebben alles uit de kast gehaald om de opstand te breken: arrestatie, verbanning, executie en collectieve strafmaatregelen (waaronder het opblazen van woonhuizen). Ook werden doodseskaders ingezet – de zogeheten Special Night Squads – die leidinggevende Palestijnse nationalisten liquideerden. Zionistisch-joodse strijders vochten aan de zijde van de Britten mee.

In de loop van de opstand die tot 1939 zou duren – balans rond 5000 Palestijnse doden (van wie 108 geëxecuteerd), 262 Britten en 300 joodse kolonisten – zag Londen zich genoodzaakt extra troepen naar Palestina te sturen. Dat kwam slecht uit want de dreiging van een oorlog met nazi-Duitsland hing toen al in de lucht. In een poging het Palestijnse front enigszins te kalmeren, kondigden de Britten in 1939 aan de immigratie van joden drastisch aan banden te leggen en binnen tien jaar de vorming van de staat Palestina te realiseren. Daarin zou de macht tussen de Palestijnen en de zionistische joden verdeeld worden, overeenkomstig hun aandeel in de bevolking.

Dat leverde de Britten de woede en de vijandschap van zionistische joden op. Nadat de dreiging van nazi-Duitsland in het Midden-Oosten was afgewend, vielen joodse strijdgroepen ook Britse doelen aan. Zo kwamen de Britten tussen twee vuren te zitten. Twee jaar na het einde van de Tweede Wereldoorlog wierp Londen de handdoek in de ring en droeg Palestina over aan de nog maar pas gevormde Verenigde Naties.

VN-Verdelingsplan
De Verenigde Naties – waarbinnen Europese grootmachten als permanente leden van de Veiligheidsraad van meet af aan een centrale rol speelden – presenteerden in november 1947 een verdelingsplan, op basis waarvan het mandaatgebied Palestina zou worden opgedeeld in een te vormen Joodse en een ‘Arabische’ Staat. Hoewel de joodse kolonisten intussen in aantal sterk waren toegenomen (tot 650.000 personen) – versterkt met ontheemde overlevenden van de Holocaust die, mede omdat westerse staten hun grenzen voor hen gesloten hielden, in de richting van Palestina werden gedirigeerd – maakten zij in die dagen niet meer dan een derde van de totale bevolking uit. Toch kregen zij in het kader van het verdelingsplan 54 procent van het grondgebied van Palestina toegewezen (waarvan zij in de achterliggende zeventig jaar slechts 7 procent door aankoop in handen hadden weten te krijgen).

De Palestijnen weigerden van meet af aan met een verdeling van hun land in te stemmen. De meerderheid van de zionistische joden ging echter wel akkoord, omdat zij daarin een verwezenlijking van op zijn minst een deel van hun agenda zagen. Dat leverde een bitter geschil op tussen voor- en  tegenstanders. Laatstgenoemden worden aangeduid met revisionistische zionisten (of kortweg revisionisten). Zij maakten niet alleen aanspraak op het gehele grondgebied van Palestina, maar ook op dat van (Trans-) Jordanië, dat in de Brits/Franse plannen aanvankelijk eveneens deel uitmaakte van het te vormen Mandaatgebied Palestina.

Op 29 november 1947 is door de Algemene Vergadering van de VN bij meerderheid het zogeheten Verdelingsplan (Resolutie 181) aangenomen met 33 stemmen vóór, 13 tegen en 10 onthoudingen (1 lidstaat was bij de stemming afwezig). Van de Europese lidstaten stemden België, Denemarken, Frankrijk, Luxemburg, Nederland, Noorwegen, Polen en Zweden vóór; Griekenland stemde tegen; Groot-Brittannië onthield zich van stemming uit vrees voor problemen met moslim-onderdanen in Brits-Indië en elders. Het verslagen Duitsland en Italië waren nog niet in de VN opgenomen. Ook de Verenigde Staten en de Sovjet-Unie hadden vóór het Verdelingsplan gestemd.

EINDE

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[36]

WIKIPEDIA
FIRST ZIONIST CONGRESS
[37]
WIKIPEDIA
WORLD ZIONIST CONGRESS
WIKIPEDIA
THEODOR HERZL
[38]
”On 10 March 1896, Herzl was visited by Reverend William Hechler, the Anglican minister to the British Embassy in Vienna. Hechler had read Herzl’s Der Judenstaat, and the meeting became central to the eventual legitimization of Herzl and Zionism.[42] Herzl later wrote in his diary, “Next we came to the heart of the business. I said to him: (Theodor Herzl to Rev. William Hechler) I must put myself into direct and publicly known relations with a responsible or non responsible ruler – that is, with a minister of state or a prince. Then the Jews will believe in me and follow me. The most suitable personage would be the German Kaiser.”[43] Hechler arranged an extended audience with Frederick I, Grand Duke of Baden, in April 1896. The Grand Duke was the uncle of the German Emperor Wilhelm II. Through the efforts of Hechler and the Grand Duke, Herzl publicly met Wilhelm II in 1898. The meeting significantly advanced Herzl’s and Zionism’s legitimacy in Jewish and world opinion.”
WIKIPEDIA
THEODOR HERZL/DIPLOMATIC LIAISON WITH THE OTTOMANS
ORIGINAL SOURCE
THEODOR HERZL
[39]
WIKIPEDIA
THEODOR HERZL/DIPLOMATIC LIAISON WITH THE OTTOMANS
[40]
[40]

HOW THEODOR HERZL FAILED TO CONVINCE THE OTTOMANS TO
SELL PALESTINE
Before the British allowed European Zionists to colonise Palestine, its chief idealogue, Theodor Herzl, attempted to buy the land from the Ottomans.

Long before the controversial Balfour Declaration set in motion the colonisation of Palestine at the behest of the British Empire, one of the leading founders of Zionism, Theodor Herzl, appealed to the Ottoman state for a Jewish country.

Palestine and its people were a constituent part of the Ottoman lands linking the Sublime Port in Istanbul to the wider domains, encompassing Islam’s three holiest sites of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem.

Ottoman Sultans were also the caliphs of Islam from which they derived their authority by holding in their possession the holiest places of the Muslim world. But the Ottoman state also had a more worldly problem – debt, and lots of it.

In 1896, Herzl sensed a real-estate opportunity and came to Istanbul with a deal he thought the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid II couldn’t turn down.

The Ottoman state was creaking under an accumulated debt burden which by the late 19th century stood at a present-day value of $11.6 billion.

The debt was controlled through a vehicle called the Ottoman Public Debt Administration, which represented European powers such as the British, French, Germans, Austrians, Italians and the Dutch. This gave European colonial powers a level of control inside the Ottoman state that would ultimately prove to be its undoing.

Cash for land

According to one historical account, Herzl offered to pay £20 million, which is around $2.2 billion in today’s currency, to the Ottoman Sultan to issue a charter for Jews to colonise Palestine.

That kind of money would have shaved around 20 percent of the Ottomans’ debt burden. It’s reported that Herzel exclaimed that “without the help of the Zionists, the Turkish economy would not stand a chance of recovery.”

Herzl’s interlocutors with the Ottoman Sultan at the time, Philip de Newlinski and Arminius Vambery, were sceptical that Jerusalem as the third holiest place in Islam would simply be sold, no matter how precarious Ottoman finances were.

They were right. Sultan Abdul Hamid II refused the offer outright in 1896, telling Newlinski, “if Mr Herzl is as much your friend as you are mine, then advise him not to take another step in this matter. I cannot sell even a foot of land, for it does not belong to me but to my people. My people have won this Empire by fighting for it with their blood and have fertilised it with their blood. We will again cover it with our blood before we allow it to be wrested away from us.”

The Sultan’s words were prophetic. Yet while the conflict is sometimes portrayed as an ancient one going back more than 1000 years, its roots are distinctly in the late 19th century.

The idea of Zionism was underpinned by the notion that Jews could be transferred from Europe to Palestine as a means of ridding what Europe called its ‘Jewish problem’.

Many non-Jews and even anti-Semites supported the idea of European Jews being relocated to the Middle East, which would have entailed the disposition of native Palestinians from their homes. Some Jews like Herzl, although not all, bought into this idea which imbued the Zionist idea from its inception as a colonial project.

The historian Louis Fishman in his book ‘Jews and Palestinians in the Late Ottoman Era’, made the case that the “colonial Jewish project developed within an Ottoman context.”

But Jewish migrations to Palestine also developed against a backdrop of rabid European led anti-Semitism, which Herzl and his Zionist contemporaries realised would never abate – and he was right.

Ottoman Jews vs European Jews

By the turn of the of the 19th century, as ideas of Zionism were spreading amongst some Ottoman Jews, distinct and important differences emerged with their European Zionist counterparts.

In the book “Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule”, the historians Eyal Geno and Yuval Ben-Bassat noted that for Ottoman Jews, “Zionism was a cultural form of nationalism, an emerging identity which did not clash with their loyalty to the Ottoman state and which did not require moving to the far-off lands of Ottoman Palestine.”

European Jewish Zionists emerged from the context of European global colonisation. If European settlers could ethnically cleanse the indigenous peoples in America or Australia and create a new state on the supremacy of one race, why not European Jews?

Ottoman Jews, on the other hand, had been welcomed into the Ottoman domains by Sultan Bayezid II. The Ottoman state sent ships to help Jews flee from the Spanish Inquisition in 1492.

For many Ottoman Jews, being part of the Ottoman state had allowed them to rise to positions of prominence, and over the centuries, their day to day life would have been free of the pogroms European Jews had to endure.

The Jewish people in the Ottoman state

When Herzl finally met Sultan Abdul Hamid II face to face in 1901, he suggested that Jewish financiers could set up a company in Istanbul and, over time, purchase Ottoman debt from European powers.

In return, some lands in Palestine could be given autonomy and become a destination for Jewish migration. Herzl’s idea was a compromise on independence, however, while Abdul Hamid II was keen on the idea of consolidating foreign debts within the Empire, he maintained that it was a separate deal that would not be linked to the Jewish colonisation of Palestine.

European Jewish migration to Palestine, a trickle at the time, was nonetheless causing tensions with the indigenous Palestinian inhabitants.

The Ottomans, however, struggling to keep its domains in the Balkans and faced with an internal political upheaval as a result of a constitutional crisis, often found itself putting out fires that threatened to overwhelm the Empire.

Yet even against this backdrop, when the question of Jewish migration surfaced in the Ottoman parliament, the Ottoman Jewish parliamentarian Nissim Matzliah made clear that “if Zionism is indeed harmful to the State, then without question my loyalty lies with the State.”

However, the Ottoman state increasingly viewed European Zionism and its ambitions on its domains as part of another colonial attempt to carve up its lands.

In a detailed report to Istanbul, the Ottoman Ambassador to Berlin, Ahmet Tewfik Pasha, wrote, “we must have no illusions about Zionism” the aim he added was nothing short of “formation of a great Jewish State in Palestine, which would also spread towards the neighbouring countries.”

In his memoirs, Sultan Abdul Hamid II remarked that Herzl had attempted to deceive the state about their ultimate intentions over the land. Ottoman suspicions were later confirmed as Herzl, realising that appealing to Istanbul would not get results, ended up allying with the British – and the rest is history.

END

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